Re: [tied] Re: Satem shift

First, an important reservation: the development *kW/*k > *k > *c^ [tS] before *e, *i and *j is not common Satemic, since -- apart from Albanian complications -- Proto-Baltic did not participate in it (Latvian palatalisations are similar but recent). Changes like *ke > *c^e are extremely common (cf. English, Italian or Romanian for obvious typological parallels) and may have taken place independently in individual Satemic branches (or semi-independently within a convergence area).

The Greek palatalisation is curious. In some Achaean dialects *kW and *gW changed into s- and z- [zd-] before front vowels (Arcadian sis, zello: for Attic tis, ballo:, etc.). All this resembles the development of *kj/*tj and *gj/dj, which also produce variants like s-/t- (-ss-/-tt-) and z-/d- (-z-/-sd-/-dd-). Most likely it was the velar offglide of *kW that was fronted in the first place (roughly, *kWe- > *kÜe- > *k^e-), causing the stop to change into an apical affricate (*k^e- > *ts'e-

> tse-), which was eventually simplified (*tse- > te-/se-).

Similarly, *gWe- > ... > *dze- > (z)de-, while *gWHe- > *kWHe- > *k^He-, which probably changed into <the-> via palatoalveolar *t^He-.

Piotr

----- Original Message -----
From: João S. Lopes Filho

To: cybalist@yahoogroups.com

Sent: Saturday, July 21, 2001 4:56 PM

Subject: Re: [tied] Re: Satem shift

In Satem languages *kWa *kWo > *ka *ko and *kWe *kWi > *c^e *c^i

Although Greek is not a Satem it has *kWa *kWo > pa po & *kWe *kWi >te ti

This t<kW+palatal must came <*c^ ?

Aeolic dialects don't do this change, keeping kW>p in all cases.

PIE *penkWe > Proto-Greek *penc^e > Greek pente ?

PIE *gWHermos > c^Hermos > thermos?