Dear Justin,
If you find your copy, I would appreciate if you could send me one.
All the best,
Ole Pind
I think I have a copy of this edition of the Gambhira-nyanodaya-Pakarana in
my files. If not, I will check with a couple friends and get back to you if
I find it.
best,
jm
P.S. The Mangaladipani is one of the most well-known text
(1524 Chiang Mai) in Thailand and is the subject of the highest Pali
examinations. There are a number of good vernacular Thai studies of this
text. The text has been out on CD Rom for these exams. It is largely an
anthology of Pali canonical verses. I have lots more on this text if anyone
is interested. To respond to Eisel's request (sorry, i enjoy the debates on
this site, but only chime in if I have something to add, I am learning a lot
from the group). In general, I work a lot on the subject of "apocryphal"
Pali and bi-lingual (Pali-Thai, Pali-Lao, Pali-Khoen, Pali-Lue, Pali-Shan)
manuscripts in Laos and Thailand. We can see these texts as corrupt or as
creative depending on your perspective and the way the text is used in
liturgies, homiletics, rituals, drama.
Peter Skilling works on these subjects as well and has published a few
articles and a three volume manuscript catalogue looking at these "new"
texts in the region (14th-20th centuries). I have pasted below my entry
(only 1000
words) to the Encyclopedia of Buddhism on "Laos," it has some short notes on
texts in the region. I have a few other longer pieces on the subject and can
send some to interested parties (subjects include: khoen adaptations of
jatakas, nissaya, naamasadda, and vohaara texts, oral adaptations of pali
texts, uses of the abhidhamma in funeral rituals, history of the EFEO and
the teaching of pali in laos, and the like).
History of Lao Buddhism
Justin McDaniel
(from the Encyclopedia of Buddhism)
Texts (palm-leaf and mulberry leaf manuscripts, stone and metal
inscriptions, traveler's reports, and printed texts) are our primary sources
for the history of Buddhist practice in Laos. These sources only provide
information on Lao Buddhism from the 14th century and many remain unexposed
to scholarly scrutiny in monastic, governmental and royal archives. A survey
of the information gleaned from these sources reveals a fragmented and
contested history of royal patronage and governmental reform, as well as a
creative engagement between local, indigenous beliefs and a translocal
religion. As the various kingdoms of what now makes up Laos emerged as
regional centers of power and wealth Buddhism became constitutive of Lao
identity. In turn, royal reform, rituals, beliefs, aspirations and vehicles
of expression reconstituted Buddhism.
Textual sources and inscriptions reflect the fragmented and, for lack of a
better word, syncretic, nature of the early history Lao Buddhism. Generally,
the most common texts found in Laos before the 20th century are nidans
(folktales such as Thao Hung Thao Chuang, Sin Xai, Om Lom Dang Kieo), the
anisamsas (blessings used in Buddhist ritual and magical ceremonies),
parittas (incantations for protection), xalongs (ceremonial instructions
for both lay and religious ceremonies), aprocryphal jatakas (non-canonical
birth-stories of the Buddha), nissayas (creative translations and
commentaries of Pali texts) and tamnans (relic, image and temple histories).
Xalongs, anisamsas and parittas are used in everyday house, buffalo, temple
and bodily blessings or for making love potions and protective tatoos. The
tamnans are histories that show the heavy Buddhist influence in the
governmental, economic, and military history of Laos.
Apocryphal jatakas, and nidans are intricate and entertaining stories of
heroism, romance and adventure that were (and are) often requested to be
narrated at religious events or life-cycle rituals, such as funerals, the
end of the rains retreat, etc. or were the basis for monastic education and
public sermons. What should be emphasized is that Pali canonical texts are
often in the minority in these collections and that translocal Buddhist
narratives and philosophical texts have been commented on and adapted by
local Lao teachers and these commentaries are much more popular in Laos than
their source texts from India and Sri Lanka.
Lao Buddhist inscriptions have yet to be fully surveyed, read and
catalogued; however, they generally provide evidence of royal or wealthy lay
patronage of certain monasteries (votive inscriptions). They also reflect
the great influence Northern Thailand and (after 1560) Burma had on the
practice of Lao Buddhism. One inscription from Dansai (formerly part of the
Lao Kingdom of Lan Xang, but since the mid-19th century in
Thailand) tells of Buddhist monks accompanying the king to a political
meeting with the King of the Kingdom of Ayudhya.
Another from Vientiane (the present capital of Laos) suggests that their
were many monks from Chiang Mai (Northern Thailand) in the region which
would account for similarities in Lao and Northern Thai Buddhist and secular
literature composed from 1480 to 1620.
King Phothisalarat was probably the most active patron of Buddhism and
Buddhist literature in Laos. It is him and his son Xetthathirat that we
must thank for most of our sources of Lao Buddhist history. He actively
tried to "purify" Lao Buddhism by banning magical practices and the
worshipping of phi (ghosts) and phabhum (local deities of trees, rocks,
waterfalls, etc.). However, modern rituals (like the riak kwan, phuk heuan,
bun bang fai, etc.) in various parts of Laos show the limited success his
reforms since the all of these rituals combine the worship and propitiation
of phi and phabhum by Buddhist monks and the chanting of Buddhist mantras.
The practice of drawing magical yantras by monks and lay experts has also
been popular from at least the 15th century and involve the mixing of
Buddhist prayers with aspirations to be lucky in love, finances and to avoid
attacks by knives, guns and poison. The documentation and preservation of
many of these artistic works and rituals by the French and the fact that
many of the ritual implements, paintings, and statues sit in French
libraries, museums, and private homes speaks to the contested legacy of
French Colonial rule.
Laos did not have a printing press until the French Colonial Period (approx.
1893 to 1954) and only recently has there been a regular printing of
religious books in Lao. These books cover a wide range of subjects, but
generally are like their palm and mulberry leaf manuscript predecessors.
Still, whether it be printed books, inscriptions or manuscripts, the textual
sources resist easy classifcation and cannot be used to provide a clear,
linear history of Buddhism in Laos.
However, this should not suggest that Lao scholars from the 14th century to
the present day did not attempt to write (or perhaps initially orally
record) these types of positivist historical chronicles. There are several
extant royal and religious chronicles, the most famous being the Nidan Khun
Borom. These chronicles tell of the introduction of Buddhism into Laos under
King Fa Ngum in the mid-14th century, the growth and reform and of Buddhism
under Kings Xetthathirat in the late 15th century, the movement of monks,
scribes, artisans, etc. from Chiang Mai to Laos after the Burmese invasion
of the former in the 1560's, the patronage and building of numerous
monasteries under King Surinyavong from
1638 to 1695, the burning of the Sisaket Monastery and the theft of the
Emerald Buddha by the Siamese in the late 18th century, and the building of
numerous monasteries, the re-unification of the three kingdoms of Laos
(Luang Pabang, Vientiane and Xampasak) by King Anuwong and the subsequent
burning of the Vientiane by the forces of Siam in 1827.
Still, these chronicles, like Western and local modern historical
reconstructions written in the twentieth century, generally sacrifice
accuracy to clarity, covering the variety of the of Buddhist beliefs and
practices with a sheen of unity and linearity.
In the 19th and 20th centuries, traveler's reports provide information about
the history of Buddhist practice among the general population that is
lacking in royal chronicles, protective chants, philosophy and relic and
temple histories, and confirm the validity of some of the rituals described
in folktales and epic poems. The six volume collection by members of the
Mission Pavie (1879-1895) and the work of Karl Izikowitz in the 1930's
discusses how local animistic practices of the Hmong, Sedang, Moi and other
Lao hill-tribes became mixed with Buddhist practices and how monks took on
the role of magician, appeaser of local deities, doctor and secular and
religious teacher in Lao villages. Still, besides these reports and many
others, a comprehensive study of how Buddhism and indigenous Lao religions
have constituted each other remains a desideratum.
At the end of almost 100 years of war and foreign occupation, the
independent People's Democratic Republic of Laos emerged in 1975 and despite
its being Marxist the government has allowed the practice of Buddhism to
flourish and even used Buddhist monks as political advocates who hold up the
communist ideals of equality among the classes, generosity, and community
cooperation. However, the government have encouraged more involvement of
monks in community development and secular education by sponsoring the Union
of Lao Buddhists and other Buddhist/Communist organizations, while
discouraging monks' practice of traditional healing rituals, exorcism and
prophecy, or from using the monkhood to avoid military and government
service. They also have made attempts to limit lay donations (in order to
gain merit for a favourable re-birth) to monasteries, which has been the
foundation of lay/monk interaction for the entire history of Lao Buddhism.
Still, like the efforts of King Phothisalarat and King Anuvong to reform
Buddhism, these government policies have largely been quietly ignored and
although monks have played a greater role in secular education since 1975,
the unique and syncretic practices of Lao Buddhists that our sources evince
persist and even flourish in among the urban and rural population.
---- Original message ----
>Date: Thu, 1 Dec 2005 13:02:57 +0100
>From: "Ole Holten Pind" <oleholtenpind@...>
>Subject: SV: [palistudy] Nyanodayapakarana
>To: <palistudy@yahoogroups.com>
>
>
>Dear Bhante,
>
><Regarding the ~Naanodayappakara.nam. You mention a recently
published Thai
>edition, however, Dr Filliozat mentions in relation to a MS
of this text
>found in the Vat Po MSS collection that there is an edition
published
>already in 1962: ''Gambhiira~naanodaya published in homage to
Phra
>Supharnabat Somdet Phra Sangkharat ~Naa.nodaya mahaathera,
22-23 mithunaayon
>2506 [June 1962].A copy of this printed edition has been
offered to EFEO
>library in Paris.''
>Is this an editon of the text or maybe some kind of
commemoration volume in
>honour of Phra Somdet ~Naa.nodaya?
>
>Thank you very much for this imformation. I was completely
unaware of the
>edition you mention. Do you think that Dr. Filliozat would
have it copied
>and mailed to me? Unfortunately I am unable to read the Thai
preface of the
>modern edition that was presented to me in 2004. It contains
a lot of
>photos, some in colour. I wonder if anyone has ever studied
it. It is a kind
>of saasanava.msa. It contains quotations from Mahaava.msa and
the poraa.na,
>some of which are identical with Diipava.msa verses. Whoever
wrote it must
>have had access to the material on which both Diipava.msa amd
Mahaava.msa
>are based.
>
>Best regards,
>
>Ole
>>
>>
>>>
>>>
>
>
>
>
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______________
Dr. Justin McDaniel
Dept. of Religious Studies
2617 Humanities Building
University of California, Riverside
Riverside, CA 92521
909-827-4530
justinm@...
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