May I state again that it was an etymology only for the aberrant
German forms? It would be complete nonsense to replace a phonological
impasse (OHG tu^sunt < PIE *t-) with a much greater one (OHG #d- < PIE
*dh-)! I'm just suggesting tu^sunt and thu^sunt represent different
etyma. Claims that X and Y (in this case, tu^sunt and thu^sunt)
"cannot be separated" are justified in a regular system of diatopic
phonological variation, otherwise they're quite arbitrary, while
Lautgesetze are compelling. An etymological separation of tu^sunt and
thu^sunt may be judged more or less credible, but phonological
irregularity
is impossible, so everyone is factually invited to make his choice: I
choose something that's more or less credible, but phonologically
regular
2013/11/13, Piotr Gasiorowski <
gpiotr@...>:
> On 2013-11-13 05:18, dgkilday57@... wrote:
>
>> [DGK:]
>>
>> Nice try, but your rather atomistic explanation fails to account for
>> Gothic _þu:sundi_, Old Saxon _thûsundig_, Old Frisian _thûsend_, and
>> Old English _þúsend_, all of which point unequivocally to Germanic
>> *þ-, Indo-European *t-.
>
> Neither does it account for Baltic and Slavic t- in the numeral
> 'thousand' (OCS tysęšti, Lith. tú:kstantis, etc., as if from <
> *tuHs(o)ntjo-, in perfect agreement with the Germanic forms cited above).
>
> Piotr
>
>