Re: Italo-Celtic dialect base words?

From: dgkilday57
Message: 70944
Date: 2013-02-15

--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Rick McCallister wrote:
>
> Could it have been Lusitanian? That could count for the P.

Lusitanian has *ikko- from *h1ek^wo- 'horse', so I would expect its 'wolf' word to be *ulko-, *wolko-, or *lukko-, depending on the form it started with.

Many years ago Miguel suggested that the tribal name Volcae meant 'Wolves'. That may well be, if they belonged to the Illyro-Lusitanian branch and used the *wl.kWo- form. They were associated with the Silva Hercy:nia, and if Proto-Celtic borrowed Volcan *Perku:nia: as *Ferku:nia:, that would explain the lack of *p...kW assimilation.

I do not find Sean's ad-hoc claim that Celtic did not assimilate *perkWu- to *kWerkWu- convincing, even though Bolelli proposed a similar makeshift to salvage Hercy:nia as pure Celtic (Cronologia relativa di alcuni fenomeni della fonetica celtica, Ricerche linguistiche 5:101-4, 1962). Labialization of a labiovelar is fairly widespread, but assimilation of a labial to a following labiovelar is rare, and it strains credulity to suppose that Celtic and Italic did this independently, resulting in Itc. *kWerkWu- (Lat. _quercus_) against Ctc. *ferku- (or whatever Sean supposes). I find it much more plausible that Ctc. also had *kWerkWu-, leading to Gaul. *perpu-.

I do not know if Perpignan, presumably from fundus *Perpinia:nus owned by a Gallo-Roman *Perpinius, can be cited as evidence. It would require a somewhat awkward Gallo-Latin 2nd-decl. *perpus, -i: 'native oak' vel sim. against expected 4th-decl. *perpus, -u:s.

DGK

> --- On Tue, 2/12/13, dgkilday57 wrote:
>
> --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Rick McCallister wrote:
> >
> > --- On Mon, 2/11/13, dgkilday57 wrote:
> >
> > --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "Joao S. Lopes" wrote:
> > >
> > > What it's curious about *wlkWo- is you many divergent "daughter" words. Latin lupus, instead of expected *vulcus; Greek lykos, instead of *Falpos, *Flapos (perhaps related to etnonym Lapithai) and Germanic *wulfaz instead of *wulxWaz. For all these divergences there are particular explanations, Osco-Umbrian substratal influence in Latin with metathesis (*wlkWo->*lukWo-), as in Greek. Convergence with a *wlp- is also possible, cf. Latin vulpes, Lit. vilp-.
> > >
> > The root-form *wl.kWo- is peculiar to begin with; one would expect a zero-grade *ulkWo-, apparently used in Celtic (Ulcagnus from Q-Celtic, Ulpius from P-Celtic). I cannot explain the discrepancy among *ulkWo-, *wl.kWo-, and *lukWo-, but it appears irrelevant to the Germanic labialization problem which I am currently addressing, since we need only *wl.kWo- in Gmc. provided we can explain the labialization.
> >
> > There is an oddball Spanish name Ulpiano --could it be from Ulpius? If so, via Gaulish? If not, then from ?
> >
> The direct source is probably the Roman cognomen Ulpianus, belonging to the prolific legal writer Cn. Domitius Ulpianus (c. 170-228 CE). This is based on the gentilicium Ulpius, of Spanish origin; one M. Ulpius Trajanus, consul suffectus c. 70 CE, was the father of the emperor Trajan. That the name is derived from 'wolf' is indicated by the tautological GN+CN of Ulpius Lupio, who with his wife dedicated a stone to Hercules Magusanus in the lower Meuse basin, on which I will have more to say in my forthcoming post on Magusanus and the Meuse.
>
> The fact that the best-known Ulpii came from Spain, not Gaul proper, ties in with my theory that the P-Celtic homeland was in Asturias, next door to the (Q-)Celtic homeland in Galicia.
>
> DGK
>