From: Tavi
Message: 69593
Date: 2012-05-13
>Latin.
> (My model:) Proto-Indo-European spread across Eurasia. It split into
> hundreds of dialects, each one with its own lexical details. Some of
> these dialects developed common innovations, albeit preserving
> idiosyncratic lexical items. The dialects which developed Common
> Celtic innovations are the Common Celtic entity.
> (Facts:) Latin spread across European (and Northern African)
> countries. It split inton hundreds of dialects, each one with its own
> lexical details. Some of these dialects developed common innovations,
> albeit preserving idiosyncratic lexical items.
>
> > And most important, Romance dialects also incorporated *substrate
> > loanwords* from the indigenous languages which were replaced by
>Sure, there can be many linguistic layers in a given place, although the
> Sure, really very important. On the other hand, you have to admit
> that there must have been a first layer (with any substrate before it)
>
> You assume that 4th Millennium BC(E) laryngeal IE cannot have theYes, because this "last common ancestor" was spoken many millenia
> same reconstructed features of the last common ancestor of all IE
> languages.
>
> I propose that its reconstructible phonemes are the same asYeah, including Neogrammarians' "voiced aspirated", morpohology and so
> long as we can detect.
>
> This is by no way absurd and you can star thisaffairs
> epithet as many times you desire, this won't change the state of
>I could change "absurd" by *inconsistent*, but as you say, "this won't
> > Anyway, what those "continuity" models, either yours or Alinei's,have
> > in common are:I'm sure you mean "Italoid" ("Italide" in the Italian original), which
> > 1) assertion of "in situ" development of historical IE languages
> > 2) negation of language replacement
>
> False. N° 1 is only mine. In Alinei's mind, in-situ-developments
> start from Post-Proto-Italic phase
>
> > AFAIK, modern PIE reconstructions abolished the "schwa secundum" andCould you quote it for me?
> > replaced it by h2.
>
> False, see Schrijver 1991
>
> If you don't operate with Schwacoherent with that
> secundum, then your etymology for Gk. kÃÂstÃ" isn't
> for cassis.kÃÂste:
>
> > Are you telling me that /i/ in Germanic *xizd-o:n- and Greek
> > comes from an anaptytic -h2- in the zero-grade variant?kÃste:
>
> Of course not, see above. I'm telling you that Germanic *xizd-o:n and
> Greek kÃste: can be related only if you postulate that Gk.
> (beside having its -t- from a different suffix) has /kist-/ from*/kst-/
>Forgive my ignorance, but I'd like a more detailed explanation.