From: Torsten
Message: 68478
Date: 2012-02-03
> Those who accept a marginal ablaut pattern involving a primary PIEThere's a similar example in Danish. We used to inflect verbs for number (but not person) in the present. For three preterito-presents it looked like this:
> *a usually work with something like *a: (strong grade) vs. *a (weak
> grade), as in Gk. (w)ágnumi 'break' vs. (w)é(w)a:ge 'is broken' from
> *wa(:)g^- (Jasanoff 2003: 31, 150). Some of the Germanic Class VI
> strong verbs could belong here, e.g. pres. *skaB-a/i-, pret. *sko:B-
> 'scratch, shave' (< *ska(:)bH-). *ma:gH-/*magH- could well be a root
> of this type, the question is only why the expected pattern of
> *maG-/*mo:G- was levelled out in favour of the short vowel. Note,
> however, that Germanic has a long vowel in both pret.sg. and pl. in
> Class VI, as in Goth. sko:b/sko:bun, while one would in principle
> expect sko:b/*skabun. It seems that this vowel contrast was utilised
> to distinguish the present from the preterite. There was no such
> need in the case of preterite-presents, so instead of following the
> example of Class VI they generalised the one or the other allomorph
> completely; hence *o:G- and *maG-, each with the same vowel
> throughout. Another similar case might be *mo:t- 'be allowed to,
> have to', but I'm not aware of any extra-Germanic cognates.