> So when I find gakks/tamgas and phalerae in the grave I don't
> understand what I'm doing, but when the professionals don't they do?
>
> > What matters in the grave are not sundry "Sarmatian" objects
>
> Especially not if George puts quotation marks around "Sarmatian".
>
> > (a spearhead with gakks+lunar/solar symbols is Germanic not
> > Sarmatian)
>
> Of course. Those are only found in Germanic areas where we know
> there have never been any Sarmatians (except for migrant wives and
> errant knights) and since that is the case we know that there have
> never been any Sarmatians there (except for migrant wives and
> errant knights).
And migrant artisans, it seems too. The only ones who stayed put seemed to be the Sarmatians proper, inasmuch as they didn't fit one of those job descriptions.
Complex of Finds from Zalevki near Smela in the Middle Dnieper Basin
by Mark Shchukin, St. Petersburg
in
Claus von Carnap-Bornheim (ed.)
Kontakt - Kooperation - Konflikt
Germanen und Sarmaten zwischen dem 1. und dem 4. Jahrhundert nach Christus
'This find of 1876, first published by A. Bobrinski1 (Fig. 1) and now preserved in the Archaeological Department of the Hermitage Museum (Collection Nb 2021), is rather well known by specialists and has been discussed on several occasions by Eric Nylén and others in connection with the problem of the origin of Havor type neck-rings2. However, the complete find has never been shown. Besides the two famous gold neck-rings decorated with filigree and granulation (Fig. 2-3) several other objects were found: two gold bracelets, one of which was inlaid with turquoise (Fig. 4), gold earrings (Fig. 5), several small gold decorative pieces (Fig. 6), two short Sarmatian swords with ring-shaped pommels and the fragment of a third one, perhaps long and heavy (Fig. 7), four simple cornelian globular beads and a sherd of grey, so-called "Maeothian" ware - the most widespread pottery in the Kuban basin of the Northern Caucasus (Fig. 8).
Perhaps the find was not a hoard, as is usually portrayed in the literature, but the remains of one or two graves destroyed by local farmers on the bank of the River Tjasmin near the village of Zalevki. Furthermore, there were also five pieces of thin gold sheet, which I.P. Zasetskaja, the keeper of the collection from Zalevki in the Hermitage Museum (Nb. 2021), reconstructed as a funeral mask (Fig. 9). The latter pieces call to mind the comparable complex from Olbia. This famous find assemblage, discovered in 1842, contained a similar gold neck-ring and a gold funeral mask. This find is very important in the discussion on the origin and dating of the Havor-type neck-rings because it has usually been used in arguing for an early date.
Unfortunately the find circumstances of the Olbian complex are not very clear. They were described at an early stage by Ouvarov and Murzakevich3, but there are certain contradictions in the reports by the two authors. It remains unclear, whether the amphora handle with stamp 220-180 BC and the lion-headed Hellenistic earrings dated to 300-150 BC really belonged to the same complex4. It seems more probable that the Olbian torque was produced later because of the Sarmatian tamga-sign on the terminal5. Such signs did not appear on the Black Sea coast before the late 1st century BC and spread mainly in the 1st century AD. They were connected with new Sarmatian movements from the East6. As for the problem of origin of the burial rite with funeral masks, it is not clear whether the rite was inspired from the Roman world, where bronze gilded face-shaped beavers of helmets were known and sometimes placed in graves7, or whether the source of the rite should be sought in the East. Gold funeral masks were found in Parthia, for example8. People of the Tashtyk culture in Siberia used painted funeral masks made of gypsum9. Thin sheets of gold shaped as eyes and mouths have also been found in the necropolises of Greek towns of the Black Sea coast as well as in Late-Scythian and Sarmatian graves. It seems very likely that they represent details of funeral masks made of organic material. N.V. Pjatysheva suggested that the rite is rooted in the burial practice of the hellenized world of the Near East10. All six neck-rings of Havor type (Havor on Gotland, Dronninglund in Denmark, Trollhättan in Sweden and the three examples from the Ukraine mentioned above") are so close in style, technique and construction, that one could envisage production in the same workshop or by the same group of wandering craftsmen. The rings are also stylistically close to the numerous series of filigree berlock-pendants, biconical beads and various other objects spread over Northern Europe presenting a specific North European jewellery art school. They are well known from Denmark, Sweden and Northern Germany and are also characteristic of the Wielbark culture of Polish Pommerania12. According to Kent Andersson they are dated mainly to the stages Bl and B2 of the Roman Period13. In the Wielbark culture they appear perhaps a little later than in Scandinavia; the so-called "baroque style" was developed here during the stages B2c and B2/C114. The objects from Zalevki seem to be of the earlier date approximately (Fig. 10) as reasoned here.
The bracelets from Zalevki have no direct parallels among other bracelets but neck-rings of the same form are well known from the Siberian collection of Peter I and from some graves of the Lower Kuban basin15. They are shown also on personages depicted on the series of silver phalarae of the 2nd - 1st century BC such as those from Janchokrak in the Lower Dnieper basin, Galiche in Bulgaria and elsewhere16 and on the portraits of the Parthian kings from Mithridates II the Great (123-88 BC) to Mithridates IV (140 AD) on their coins. The earliest ones are more numerous17.
On the other hand one of the bracelets was made in the specific "gold-tourquoises" style widespread in the Eurasian Steppes in the 1st century AD18. The earliest absolute dates of objects in such style are fixed by graves from Tillya-Tepe in Northern Afghanistan, where they have been found together with coins of the Parthian king Phraates IV (38-2 BC) and a gold coin issued by the Roman emperor Tiberius in 21 AD19.
In the case of the torques, the find from Havor is the best dated. Here the ring, found with a set of Roman bronze vessels, belongs to stage B2 of the Roman Period, i.e. approximatly 70-170 AD20.
E. Nylén proposed that the torque was produced earlier than the other objects of the complex because a similar neck-ring with ornamented "gorget" was depicted on the neck of the Celtic God Lugius represented on the famous Gundestrup cauldron connected perhaps with the events of 113-101 BC. The gold beads from Grave 9 of the Bo Gård cemetery on Öland decorated in the same technique and combined with fibulae in opus mterrasile style characteristic for the years around 0 AD were also used in the argument21 as to the above-mentioned complex from Olbia.
Perhaps E. Nylén is right and certain neck-rings with granulation "gorgets" did exist during the late 2nd century BC - early 1st century AD. However, due to the similarity of technique and style, it seems more probable to me that all six finds in question were produced approximately in the same period.
The complex from Zalevki demonstrates a date sometime between 20 and 80 AD for combining the objects (Fig. 10), although other versions are also possible. It should be pointed out that as regards the ring from Olbia, whose chronology is unclear, one could see the hand of another goldsmith. In the case of Zalevki, the dating of the earrings, swords, small decorative pieces, cornelian beads and pottery is based here on the the works by M.I. Vjazmitina, A.M. Khazanov, N.V. Pjatyshewa, E.M. Alekseeva and I.I. Marchenko22. In all probability the objects were deposited at some stage between 20 and 80 AD.
We do not know exactly where the jewellery workshop or workshops producing neck-rings, berlocks and beads decorated with filigree and granulation were situated. Perhaps the artisans operated somewhere in the North because Scandinavia and Northern Germany are the main areas of distribution for objects in the specific "Havor style" of workmanship. That does not preclude, however, that the masters could occasionally have changed their place of work. In the Wielbark culture of Polish Pommerania, for example, the so-called "baroque style" flourished a little later than in Denmark, i.e. only in the stages B2c and B2/C123.
One has only to look at the maps published by Adrian von Müller and Eric Nylén24, to see the distribution of the berlock-pendants and other filigree objects. Exept Scandinavia, the finds are concentrated along the River Elbe and extend to modern day Czech Republic. Some new findspots can also be added25.
The distribution does not appear accidental because torques with knobs or seal-shaped terminals were a characteristic feature of Celtic culture and certain contacts in this direction were necessary for the creation of the Havor-type torques. The Celtic world no longer existed as a cultural-ethnical unity in that period and it was more likely that contacts were realized with former Celtic lands of the Middle and Upper Danube regions, occupied at that time partly by Rome and partly by Germans. Certain Celtic traditions perhaps survived there.
This supposition is supported by finds of bronze neck-rings resembling the Havor-type in Raetia and dated from the time of Tiberius-Claudius-Nero26 and by a certain resemblance of a bull head representation on the torque from Havor to decorative animal heads on Noric-Pannonian belts27. Further support is provided by the common line of vogue in forms and systems of decoration of North European berlock-pendants and pottery of the so-called Großromstedt Horizon despite difference in size and materials (Fig. 11)28.
However, more important for the creation of the Havor-style were contacts from another direction. The masters could learn the techniques of granulation and filigree only somewhere in the Classical World or in regions directly adjoined to it.
As a matter of fact this technique was not a secret either for the Celts or for the Romans, both having adopted it from the Etruscans as early as the 5th century BC. But the objects made in this technique were not very popular in the Western provinces of the Roman Empire. I know of no filigree adornments of the 1st century BC - lst century AD either in Gaul or in the Danube provinces. One has to seek other sources.
Meanwhile objects made in the filigree-granulation style were very popular in the Eastern provinces of the Empire and in countries of the Near East. Greek jewellers were especially skilful. In the 4th century BC they created such masterpieces as the famous Theodosian and Kul-Oba earrings as well as other very fine items29.
People of Northern Europe hardly visited Greece and East Mediterranean countries, but they could meet Greek goldsmiths in the towns on the Black Sea coast and in Thracia as Eric Nylén, Flemming Kaul and Jes Martens suggested30. These authors tended to see Thracia as the main source of antique influence on the northern filigree style.
That may be so but all the parallels in support of the thesis belong in the 4th and 3rd century BC. However, one has to look for analogues which are nearest in time to the objects of Havor style and dated from the late lst century BC early lst century AD.
Interestingly, in this period filigree and granulation techniques were also used in jewellery in the whole expansive area of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Near East as well as in adjoining barbarian territories. For example, necklaces whose ends consist of gold filigree conical beads are known in the above mentioned graves from Tillya-Tepe in Afhganistan, in Kerch and in Chersonesus31. Fleming Kaul and Jes Martens saw one of the sources of the Havor style in the similar decorative features from Mezek in Bulgaria in spite the 4th century BC date32. In this regard I should like to draw attention to the so-called Zubovsko-Vozdvizhenskaja group of Sarmatian-Maeothian graves in the Kuban basin of the Northern Caucasus dated from the late lst century BC - first half of the lst century AD33. On the one hand the finds demonstrate certain oriental connections including those with the people buried in Tillya-Tepe. On the other hand it is a region where objects made in granulation-filigree style are concentrated34. Perhaps these objects were produced by Bosphorian masters or some other masters of the Roman-Hellenized world especially for the Sarmatian-Maeothian customers (Fig. 12)35.
All these aspects are important in understanding how the goldsmith from South-Eastern Europe could find himself in Northern Europe, find "disciples" here and together with them become the creators of the Havor filigree-granulation style. I think goldsmiths had the chance to find themselves in Northern Europe following events occurring between the Baltic and Black Sea coasts and between the River Elbe and the Kuban river in the Northern Caucasus in the first half - middle of the 1st century AD36.
Things were on the move: in 19 AD the Marcomannic kingdom of Marobodus, centred in Bohemia, was destroyed by the Gothones of Cathualda who came from somewhere in the North37 (Fig. 13). About the same time the Wielbark culture in Polish Pommerania began to take form38. Soon afterwards the Gothones were defeated by Hermunduri and the rest of the forces of the two Germanic chiefs, Marobodus and Cathualda, were used by Romans to create a buffer state of Vannius in the territory of what is now Slovakia39. The state, situated at the key position on the "Amber Route", prospered for 30 years. About the same time migration of the Goths from Scandinavia to Pommerania, described by Jordanis, took place42.
Contacts along the "Amber route" from Aquilea via Carnuntum to Sambia, vitalized by Nero around 60 AD, were also perhaps important for the processes. Significant events happened in the same period in the East. From 45 to 49 AD there was a conflict between Bosphorian king Mithridates, who was allied with Sarmatian tribes of Siraki, and his younger brother, Cothis, who was supported by the Romans and the Sarmatian tribe of Aorsi. Mithridates and the Siraki were completly defeated in 49 AD41. Perhaps this was also connected with a new movement of Sarmatian tribes far from the East42. This resulted in a displacement westwards of some Sarmatian tribes: Siraki from the Kuban basin ended up near Olbia, the Aorsi and Alani appeared on the right bank of Dnieper and the Sarmatian kingdom of Farzoy was created between the Dnieper and Pruth with its centre in Olbia. Iazygi crossed the Carpathians as far as the Middle Danube basin to help Vannius in his unsuccessful struggle against Hermunduri and Lugii in 50 AD and occupied the Great Hungarian Plain43.
As a result two streams of population movement from Northern Europe and from the East and Northern Pontic area met in Central Europe (Fig. 13). Perhaps these circumstances could explain the strange combination of Post-Celtic and North-Pontic Greek or Greek-Sarmatian traditions in the Havor type neck-rings. Certain groups of goldsmiths, Greek or otherwise and working for Sarmatian customers, were involved in the Sarmatian movement and found themselves at first in the Middle Danube region. They then reached Northern Europe, where they worked for two or three generations. Naturally this is only conjecture. Nobody can know how it all really happened - ways of contact could be so diverse ...
However, the same processes of Germanic-Sarmatian contacts are reflected perhaps by two finds of Germanic shield-bosses in rich Sarmatian graves of the Lower Don basin and representations of Farzoy's tamga-signs on the Germanic spearheads from Valle in Norway and Bodzanovo in Poland44. The complex from Zalevki further demonstrates contacts of the same kind, perhaps on the level of tribal aristocracy, which took place before Gothic resettlement from Polish Pommerania (Gothiscandza) to the Black Sea coast (Oium) in the late 2nd - early 3rd century AD.
1 The author is very grateful to Irina Zasetskaja and Oleg Sharov for their helping to prepare this paper a short variant of the more detailed publication to be published elsewhere. - A. Bobrinskiy, Kurgany i sluchajnye nakhodki bliz mestechka Smely 1 (Barrows and stray finds near the small city of Smela) (Sankt-Petersburg 1887) 153 Pl. 21.
2 S. Muller, En fremmed Halsring af Guld fra førromersk Tid, Aarb0ger 1900, 141-144. - E. Petersen, Die Bastarnen und Skiren. In: H. Reinerth (Hrsg.), Vorgeschichte der deutschen Stämme III (Leipzig/Berlin 1940) 876 Abb. 183. -E. Nylén, Die älteste Goldschmiedekunst der nordischen Eisenzeit und ihr Ursprung. Jahrb. RGZM 15, 1968, 75-94. id., Der Norden und die Verbindungen mit den thrakisch-dakischen Raum. Studia Gothica (Stockkolm 1972). id., Trakerna och Norden. Trakerna. Statens Historiska Museum (Stockholm 1980) 74-102. - F. Kaul, The Gundestrup Cauldron - Tracian, Celtic or Both. In: F. Kaul/I. Mazarov/J. Best/N. de Vries (Hrsg.), Thracian Tales on the Gundestrup Cauldron (Amsterdam 1991). - F. Kaul/Y. Martens, Southeast European Influences in the Early Iron Age Scandinavia. Acta Arch. (København) 66, 1995, 111-161. - K. Andersson, Romartida i guldsmede i Norden (Uppsala 1995).
3 A. Ouvaroff, Recherches sur les antiquités de la Russie méridionale (Paris 1855) Pl. XIV. - N. N. Murzakevich, Zapiski Odesskogo obshchestwa istorii i drevnostej (Notes of Odessa's Society of History and Antiquities). Vol. 1 (Odessa 1847) 624. - O. Benndorf, Antike Gesichtshelme und Sepulcralmasken (Wien 1879) Taf. 14,1.
4 Amphora: D.B. Shelov, Keramicheskie klejma iz Tanaisa III-I vv do n.e. (Stamps on ceramics from Tanais of the 3rd - 1st cent. BC) (Moscow 1975). Earrings: M. Pfrommer, Untersuchungen zur Chronologie Früh- und Hochhellenistischen Goldschmucks. Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Abteilung Istanbul. Istanbuler Forschungen 37, 1990.
5 Ouvaroff (note 3) Pl. XIV, 2a.
6 V. Drachuk, Sistemy znakov Severnogo Prichernomorja (Systems of signes of the Northern Black Sea littoral) (Kiev 1975) PL VI, 410. - S. A. Jatsenko, Alanskaja problema i Tsentralnoaziatskie elementy v kulture kochevnikov Sarmatii rubezha I-II vv n.e. (Problem of the Alans and Central Asian elements in culture of nomads in Sarmatia of the late 1st - early 2nd cent. AD). Petersburgkij Archeologicheskij Vestnik (Petersburgs Archaeological Harald) 3, 1993, 60-72. - S.A. Jatsenko, Znaki-tamgi iranojazychnykh naradov drevnosti i rannego srednevekovja (Tamga-signs of the Iranian Peoples in Ancient Times and Early Middle Ages) (Moskow 2001).
7 O. Benndorf (note 3). M. Feurgère, Casques antiques (Paris 1994) 123-140.
8 Benndorf (note 3) Taf. XVI, 1 -2.
9 L. R. Kyzlasov, Tashtykskaja epokha v istorii Khakassko-Minusinskoj kotloviny (Tashtyk epoque in history of Chakassian-Minusinsk valley) (Moscow 1960) 147-151.
10 I.V. Pjatysheva, Juvelirnye izdelija Chersonesa (Jewelry objects from Chersonesus) (Moscow 1956) 29-41, Fig. 2-12.
11 Havor: Nylén 1968 (note 2). - Dronninglund: Müller (note 2). - Andersson (note 2) fig. 57. -Trollhättan: Andersson (note 2) 102.
12 Northern Germany: A. von Müller, Die birnen- und kugelförmigen Anhänger der alteren römischen Kaiserzeit, Offa 15 (Neumünster) 1956, 93-114. - Andersson (note 2). - Nylén 1968 (note 2). - Pommerania: J. Kmiecicski, Zagadnienie tzw. kultury gocko-gepiedzkiej na Pomorzy Wschodnim w okresie wczes´norzymskim (Lodz 1962). - R. Wol/a,giewicz, Zagadnienie stylu wczes´norzymskiego w kulture wielbarskiej. Stud. Arch. Pommeramca (Koszalin 1974).
13 Andersson (note 2) fig. 119-122.
14 Wol/a,giewicz (note 12).
15 Siberian collection: M. I. Artamonov. Sokrovishcha sakov (Sakians Treasuries) (Moscow 1973) Fig. 30. - Lower Kuban basin: A. A. Spitsyn. Phalary juzhnoj Rossii (Phalarae of Southern Russia). Iz. Arch. Komm. 29, 1909, Fig. 8; 10; 12; 25. - N. V. Anfimov. Drevnee zoloto Kubani (The Kuban's Ancient Gold) (Krasnodar 1986) 181, 201. - I.I. Marchenko, Siraki Prikubanja (The Siraci of the Kuban basin) (Krasnodar 1996) Fig. 73, 7.
16 Janchokrak and others: I.I. Gushchina, Janchokrakskij klad (Janchokrak hoard). Drevnosti Vostochnoj Evropy (Antiquities of Eastern Europe) (Moscow 1969) Fig. 1, 1. - N. Fettich, Archaologische Beiträge zur Geschichte der sarmatisch-dakischen Beziehungen. Acta Arch. (Budapest) Tome III, fasc. 1-4, 1953, Abb. 1; 5; 6. V. Mordvintseva, Sarmatische Phaleren. Archäologie in Eurasien 11 (Rehren/Westf. 2001) Abb. 4,2; 5; Taf. 37.
17 D. Sellwood, An Introduction to Coinage of Parthia (London 1971).
18 L. S. Klein, Sarmatskij tarandr i vopros o proiskhozhdenii sarmatov (Sarmatian "tarandr" and the question of origin of the Sarmatians). Skifo-Sibirskrj zverinyj stil i iskusstvo narodov Evrazii (Scythian-Siberian animal style in art of the Eurasian nations) (Moscow 1976). M.B. Shchukin, Sarmaty na zemliakh k zapadu ot Dnepra i nekotorye sobytija I v n.e. v Tsen-tralnoj i Vostochnoj Evrope (The Sarmatians on the lands west of the Dnieper and some events of the 1st cent. AD in Central and Eastern Europe). Sov. Arch. Nb. 1, 1989.
19 V.I. Sarianidi, Afghanistan: Sokrovishcha bezymjannykh tzarey (Afghanistan: Treasures of Unnamed Kings) (Moscow 1983) 60, 129.
20 Nylén 1968 (note 2). R. Wol/a,giewicz, Naplyw importów rzymskich do Europy na pólnoc od srodkowego Dunaju. Archeologia Polski. Tom. XV, z. 1, 1970. M. Shchukin, Rome and the Barbarians in Central and Eastern Europe 1" Century BC 1st Century AD. B.A.R. Intern. Ser. 542, 1989, 259-270. id., Nekotorye problemy chronologii rannerimskogo vremeni (Some chronological problems of the early Roman Period). Arch. sbornik. Gosudarstvennyj Ermitazh. (Arch. Journal of the State Hermitage Museum) 31 (Sankt-Petersburg) 1991.
21 Nylén 1968 (note 2). - M.B. Sjöberg, Bredsätra socken. Ölands järnåldersgravfelt. Vol. I (Stockholm 1987) 274-275.
22 M.I. Vjazmitina, Zolotobalkovskij mogilnik (Cemetery Zolotaja Balka) (Kiev 1972) Fig. 21,1; 28,7, 9. - A.M. Khazanov, Ocherki voennogo dela sarmatov (Sketches of the Sarmatian warfare) (Moscow 1971). - Pjatysheva (note 10). - E.M. Alexeeva, Antichnye busy Severnogo Prichernomorja (Antique Beads of Northern Black Sea Littoral). Svod Archeologicheskich Istochnikov (Corpus of Archaeological Sources). 1-12 (Moscow) 1982 11-12, Fig. 18. - I.I. Marchenko (note 15).
23 Wol/a,giewicz 1974 (note 12).
24 A. von Müller (note 12) Karte 1-2.-Nylén 1968 (note 2) 93.
25 E. Schmidt-Thielbeer, Das Gräberfeld von Wahlitz, Kr. Burg (Berlin 1967) Taf. 113-114. - A. Leube, Neubrandenburg -ein germanischer Bestattungplatz des 1. Jahrhunderts u. Z. (Berlin 1978) Taf. 12 d. K. Motyková-neidrová, Weiterentwicklung und Ausklang der älteren römischen Kaiserzeit in Böhmen (Prague 1967) Beilage 3, 5.
26 M. Menke, "Rätische" Siedlungen und Bestattungsplätze der frührömischen Kaiserzeit in Voralpenland. In: Studien zur vor- und frühgeschichtlichen Archäologie. Festschrift fur Joachim Werner zum 65. Geburtstag. Teil I (München 1974) Abb. 1,4; 2,1,5.
27 Havor: Nylén 1968 (note 2) Taf. 24,4. - Noric-Pannonian belts: J. Garbsch, Die norisch-pannonische Frauentracht im 1. und 2. Jahrhundert (München 1965) 101-104.
28 Berloque-pendants: Andersson (note 2) fig. 133-135; 140; 150- 151; 153-155; 159, 160; 162-196. - Ceramics: Schmidt-Thielbeer (note 25) Taf. 23. Taf. 31. - Leube (note 25) Taf. 12 n. - Motyková-neidrová (note 25) Abb. 19.
29 E.N. Khodza, Antichnoe iskusstvo (Antique art). Gosudarstvennyj Ermitazh (The State Hermitage Museum) (Moscow 1987) 100, fig. 69. - Aus den Schatzkammern Eurasiern. Meisterwerke antiker Kunst. Kunsthaus Zürich (Zürich 1993) Kat. Nr. 52-53.
30 Kaul/Martens (note 2) 117, fig. 7. - S. Reinach, Antiquités du Bosphore Cimmérien (Paris 1892) PL XII a. - Pjatysheva (note 10) Pl. IV, 1.
31 Chersonesus: Pjatysheva (note 10) Pl. XIV, 1. -Tillya-Tepe: Kaul/Martens (note 2) 117. - V Sarianidi, The Golden Hoard of Bactria (Leningrad 1985) 54f. 2.30; 5.3; 6. 20. - Id. 1983 (note 19) 141-145.
32 Kaul/Martens (note 2) 117.
33 I.I. Gushchina/I.P. Zasetskaja, Pogrebenija Zubovsko-Vozdvizhenskoj gruppy iz raskopok N.I. Veselovskogo v Prikubanje: I v do n.e. - nachalo II v n.e. (Burials of Zubovsko-Vozdvizhenskaja group excavated by Veselovski in 1900: the 1st Century BC early 2nd century AD). Archeologicheskie issledovanija na juge Vostochnoj Evropy (Archaeological Investigations in the South of Eastern Europe) (Moscow 1989). - Shchukin 1989 (note 20) p. 259-270. - Id., Nekotorye zamechania k chronologii Zubovsko-Vozdvizhenskoj gruppy i problema rannikh alan (Some remarks on the chronology of Zubov-Vozdvizhenskaja group and the problem of the early Alans). Antichnaja tzivilizatsija i varvarskij mir (Antique (Zivilisation and the Barbarian World). Part I (Novocherkassk 1992). - Id., Na rubezhe er (On the Turn of Erae) (St. Petersburg 1994) 177-178. - B.A. Raev/S.A. Jatsenko, O vremeni pervogo pojavlenija alanov v jugo-vostochnoj Evrope (Concerning the first appearance of the Alans in South-Eastern Europe). Skifija i Bosphor (Novocherkassk 1993).
34 Anfimov (note 15) 200, 206, 209, 211, 217, 217-218, 221, 225, 227, 228. - Gushchina/Zasetskaja 1989 (note 33) - Shchukin 1992 (note 33).
35 Shchukin 1989 (note 20). - Id. 1994 (note 33).
36 Shchukin 1989 (note 18) 247-354. - Shchukin 1994 (note 33) 185-280.
37 Tac. Ann. II. 62.
38 R. Wol/a,giewicz (note 12). - Shchukin 1989 (note 18) 292-302. - Shchukin 1994 (note 33) 190-201, 244-278.
39 Tac. Ann. II, 62-63; XII, 29-30.
40 Iord. Get. 17, 25-29. - R. Wol/a,giewicz, Die Goten im Bereich der Wielbark-Kultur. Archaeologia Baltica. Tom VII, "Peregrinatio Gothica" (L/ódz´ 1986).
41 Tac. Ann. XII, 15-22.
42 Shchukin 1989 (note 18) 326-334. -Shchukin 1994 (note 33) 204-222.
43 Tac. Ann. XII, 29-30.
44 Shchukin 1994 (note 33) 222-244, Fig. 71, 76, 78. - M.B. S^c^ukin, À propos des contacts militaires entre les Sarmates et les Germains a l'époque romaine (d'apres l'armament les umbo de boucliers et les lances). In: F. Vallet/M. Kazanski (Ed.), L'armée romaine et les barbares du III-e au VII-e siècle (Paris 1993). - M. Shchukin, Shields, swords and spears as evidence of Germanic-Sarmatian contacts and Barbarian-Roman relations. In: C. v. Carnap-Bornheim (Hrsg.), Beiträge zu römischer und barbarischer Bewaffnung in den ersten vier nachchristlichen Jahrhunderten (Lublin-Marburg 1994) 485-495.'
Torsten