Re: Dry, Dawn

From: stlatos
Message: 60769
Date: 2008-10-10

--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Piotr Gasiorowski <gpiotr@...> wrote:
>
> On 2008-10-09 21:19, stlatos wrote:
> >
> >
> > --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com <mailto:cybalist%40yahoogroups.com>,
> > Piotr Gasiorowski <gpiotr@> wrote:
> > I quoted it to refute yor counterexample, not to offer a
> > > different analysis of the 'dawn' word. *h2seus- 'dry' is also
accepted
> > > in this shape by the LIV.
> >
> > How would that give OE se:ar?
>
> *(h2)sous-ó-, a different adjective from the same root (thus also in
> Balto-Slavic).

Then there's no evidence of any *h2seus- with e-grade?

Now I understand the proposal and what it's arguing for, but I see
no need for or evidence of initial x>a instead of *sxausos. That is:

> Ringe proposes *sausó-, with a fundamental *a (which
> Lubotsky of course doesn't believe in), but I'm not convinced that
> *saus-/*sus- is an acceptable ablaut pattern, and we definitely need
> *sus- to account for some of the verb forms.

If original plain stem *sxaus-, *sxus-me, etc., both grades could
form derivative verbs. For Albanian a metathesis after changes of
original long a:, etc:

dry ... other words with -au-

*sxaus- -au-
*saus- -au-
*swas- -au-
*swas- -a:-
*swas- -a-
*fwas- -a-
*Twas- -a-
thanj


I suppose some might say there was a medial cluster in *sausnye-
that made metathesis more likely.


> > There could have been metathesis of *sxausos > *x,sausos in every
> > form and dialect, but if so, *asausos > *ahauhos > Hom auos and Att
> > hauos (showing optional met. of medial h like heuo:, hieros) but no
> > s>h after x in Laconian *asauhos > *azauos > addauos.
>
> A derivative of <aza> 'heat, dryness' rather than anything directly to
> do with <auos> (unless it's a compound of both.

I think a compound is more likely than a suffix -auos.

I thought Lubotsky's *ahuhos might have some promise if derived from
met. rather than an original PIE form, but now I'm fairly sure there's
nothing to it and auos is from dissimilation of *hauhos with h-h > 0-h
(sim. to Indic s-s > s^-s) in most dialects (or all if *auhos > *hauos
in some dia.).