Re: The Two Faces of PIE *K^

Rather fortuitously, we have been discussing to words, 'dog' and 'fast'
which reveal some important structural strategies of pre-PIE word-formation.

As Pokorny records them, they are virtually the same if one assumes
'laryngeals':

1) *k^A-, 'gray'; and

2) *k^A(H)-, 'fast'.

But actually, they are quite different and distinguishable.

Since they have virtually the same PIE expression, one can only separate
them _semantically_ and reason backward for the actual form.

PIE *k^ can come from two sources:

1) pre-PIE *kYA or

2) pre-PIE *kA + y.

I will deal with __only__ those *k^('s) which derive from the palatal glide.

I assert that every correctly reconstructed root beginning with *k^A [no
lengthened vowel!] is based on a morpheme meaning 'gray/shadow' primarily,
and, 'other', secondarily.

I also assert that every correctly reconstructed root beginning with *k^e:-
[snd not subsequently shortened to *e] is based on a morpheme meaning 'deer,
fast'.

The reason we have *k^e:- is because it derives from *k^he-; in giving up
its aspiration, the vowel was lengthened compensatorily. So every naturally
occurring *ke:- is, according to conventional notation: *k^(h)e:-.

Now, to falsification.

To show I am wearing a cocked hat, someone needs only to show a PIE root
that begins with *k^A that does not semantically relate to
'gray/shadow/other';

or a PIE that begins with with *k^e:-/*k^(h)e:- that does not semantically
relate to 'deer/fast' - with one exception: color words apparently could be
based on both morphemes with *k^e-r-, 'gray'; but probably also
*k^(h)e(:)-r-, 'reddish-brown' <- 'deer-color'.

If anyone wants to take up this challenge, please remember: I say *k^A
(Ablaut vowel: *é / ò /° / *Ø) NOT *k^a(:)-, where the palatalization
stems from *k(h)[a:] + *y.


Lehnwörter ausgeschlossen!


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