> > Do you have any evidence for *kYwn,- instead of *kYuwn,-?
>
> Gmc. *xunða- could derive from either (or from *k^untó-, for that
> matter). But we have Ved. s'vabHis (not +s'umbHis) < *k^wn.-bHis.
>
> Piotr
>
- - - - - -
**kYuwn,- looks quite horrible to me, considering that /u/ and /w/
are different graphemes for the same phoneme, and two semivowels in a
sequence like that!?! Did I miss something regarding PIE root-rules?
NB. Pre-Finnic seems to have borrowed *c'unti > susi 'wolf' from a
pregermanic dialect older than the centumisation of *k'. The dental
on the other hand rules out other IE dialects. Tricky. Pre- or Para-
Germanic?
By the way *hepo- (or *hevo-) 'horse' has so far defied all
explanations. The last attempt with lots of ad hoc assumptions is by
Liukkonen (1999) from presumed Baltic *es^vina-. More scope for
assumed para-languages?
But h1ek^.wos is discussed in another thread, so I leave it at that.
Jouppe