On 2007-08-26 21:59, stlatos wrote:
> All your previous examples began with P/KW; to counter you offer one
> (among others unmentioned, true) from Germanic?
And Indo-Iranian, for the es-stem *loikW-nes- presupposes a thematic
noun in *-no- (like other such nouns). I'd also suggest *h3okW-no-
(Slavic *okno 'window') as a derivative of *h3okW-mn. (Gk. ómma), though
it's impossible to prove that the *o in the derived form is "infixal".
To discuss examples and counterexamples I'd prefer to limit the
discussion to forms with o-vocalism in the root, since that's what Jens
tries to explain. Other *-no- and *-mo- derivatives may be of other
origin. I would also exclude forms with *-sm- as apparently containing a
different suffix. A *w in non-onset positions probably doesn't cause the
labial dissimilation, since we have not only Germanic *strauma- but also
Slavic *strumenI (a late transformation of a *-men- stem), which looks
like hybrid between *sreu-mo:n and *srou-mo-, *Gmc. *sauma- 'seam' <
*sjouh1-mo- and several more similar examples.
Sorry, I have to finish for now, but with a little bit of luck I'll be
able to continue tomorrow.
Piotr