On 2007-07-09 21:29, stlatos wrote:
> Not at all; that was just one example:
>
> *dovixY+ > L duim
>
> *dovenai > G inf. dou^nai (Cyp to-ve-na-i); Skt da:váne:
>
> *dove:+ etc > Lith pret. daviau~
>
> And as I said, analogy adding xW to w that itself actually came from
> xW > E know, glow; Lith do:vanà 'gift'.
This word is trickier than that. With all other verb roots in Gk. the
infinitive has <-men(ai)>, which may mean that <dou^nai> (<dowenai>) has
a suffix that was originally an allomorph of *-men-, namely *-wen-, and
so the lexem in question would be *doh3-wen-/*d&3-wen-. Jens has a
theory about a pre-PIE change of *-h3m- > *-h3w- whose scattered remains
can be seen in PIE morphology. I wonder if this analysis couldn't be
extended to cases like *pr.h3-wó- ~ *pr.h3-mó- 'first', *sloih3-wo-
'sloe', and the like.
Piotr