Re: [tied] Slavic adjectives

From: Mate Kapović
Message: 47532
Date: 2007-02-19

On Pon, veljača 19, 2007 12:26 am, Miguel Carrasquer Vidal reče:
> If we look at standard a.p. a, b and c adjectives in Slavic,
> we get the following picture:
>
> a.p. a:
> sta"rU, sta"ro, sta"ra
> a.p. b:
> bę'lU, bęló, bęlá
> a.p. c:
> 'drugU, 'drugo, drugá
>
> The definite (long) forms are:
>
> a.p. a:
> sta"rUjI, sta"roje, sta"raja
> a.p. b:
> bę'lUjI, bę'loje, bę'laja
> a.p. c:
> drugÚjI, drugóje, drugája
>
> These long forms are peculiar in several ways:
>
> - In a.p. b we have retraction of the stress: bę'lUjI,
> bę'loje, bę'laja for expected *bęlÚjI, *bęlóje, *bęlája.
>
> - In a.p. c we might have expected something like *drugUjÍ >
> drugÚjI, drugóje or *drugojé, drugája or *drugajá

Actuallly, one would expect *drugUj'I, *drugoj'e, *druga´´ja.

> (cf.
> Zaliznjak p. 125: "1. Odnosloz^naja slovoforma s minusovoj
> markirovkoj, stojas^c^aja v konce taktovoj gruppy posle
> nedodnosloz^nogo čnklinomena, menjaet svoju minusovuju
> markirovku na +. Primery: <slovo sé>, <zemlju tú>, <varjú
> vy> 'predvarjaju vas', <mirÚ sI> (iz <mirU sÍ> po p. 3
> bazisnogo pravila). 2. Esli taktovaja gruppa sostoit iz
> neodnosloz^nogo čnklinomena, okanc^ivajus^c^egosja ne na
> <U>, <I>, i čnklitiki (ili peremarkirovannogo p. 1
> odnosloz^nogo čnklinomena), to takoj neodnosloz^nyj
> čnklinomenon fakul'tativno menjaet svoju minusovuju
> markirovku (poslednjuju, esli ona ne odna) na +. Primery:
> <styz^jú sja>, <varjú vy>, <zemljú tu>, <obá ta> -- narjadu
> s <styz^ju sjá>, <varju vý>, <zemlju tú>, <oba tá>."
> [1. A monosyllabic wordform with minus marking, standing at
> the end of the prosodic group after a polysyllabic
> enclinomenon, changes its minus marking into a +. Examples:
> <slovo sé>, <zemlju tú>, <varjú vy>, <mirÚ sI> (from <mirU
> sÍ> by step 3 of the Basic Rule). 2. If the prosodic group
> consists of a polysyllabic enclinomenon not ending in <U>,
> <I>, plus enclitics (or a monosyllabic enclinomenon
> re-marked by rule 1 above), then such a polysyllabic
> enclinomenon optionally changes its minus marking (the last
> one, if there are more than one) into a +. Examples:
> <styz^jú sja>, <varjú vy>, <zemljú tu>, <obá ta> -- besides
> <styz^ju sjá>, <varju vý>, <zemlju tú>, <oba tá>."]
>
> The more or less traditional explanation for the a.p. b long
> forms is that by "Stang's law" the accent was retracted from
> a long circumflex vowel to the preceding syllable. After
> Dybo's law, we would have had: *bęlU'jI, *bęlo'je, *bęla'ja,
> which contracted to *bęly~, *bęle~ (or *bęlo~), *bęla~, and
> then retracted (with neo-acute on the first syllable) to
> attested bę'ly:, bę'le:/bę'lo:, bę'la:.
>
> There are two reasons why this cannot be correct: (1) the
> retraction takes place where there never was contraction, as
> in Russian bélyj, bélo[j]e, bélaja, bély[j]e; (2) there is
> no such retraction in a.p. c (there should have been no
> difference between contracted drugy~, druge~, druga~ and
> *bęly~, *bęle~, *bęla~).

Of course, there is no such thing as ~ there, cf. Croat. dial. bosî, dragî
etc. This ^ points to earlier *-'UjI, *-a´´ja, *-'oje in a. p. c (where
*-'oje is obviously secondary for *-oj'e).

> Zaliznjak's MAS-approach is to assign the marker +Re to the
> "thematic vowel" of long adjectival forms. This means that
> the vowel is capable of being stressed, but that a preceding
> -> turns into a +. We have:
>
> star-U-jI, star-o-je, star-a-ja = stárUjI, stároje, stáraja
> + +Re + +Re + +Re
>
> bęl-U-jI, bęl-o-je, bęl-a-ja = bę'lUjI, bę'loje, bę'laja
> -> +Re -> +Re -> +Re
>
> drug-U-jI, drug-o-je, drug-a-ja = drugÚjI, drugóje, drugája
> - +Re - +Re - +Re
>
> which is correct, until we take the polysyllabic-root
> adjectives into account.
>
> We have (based on the Russian data) four types:
>
> a.p. a:
> gla"dUkU, gla"dUko, gla"dUka
> gla"dUkUjI, gla"dUkoje, gla"dUkaja
>
> a.p. a/b:
> gotóvU, gotóvo, gotóva
> gotóvUjI, gotóvoje, gotóvaja
>
> a.p. b:
> teNz^élU, teNz^eló, teNz^elá
> teNz^élUjI, teNz^éloje, teNz^élaja
>
> a.p. c:
> ve``selU, ve``selo, veselá
> vesélUjI, veséloje, vesélaja

The latter is not archaic, cf. Croat. dial. veselî. There is no reason for
polysyllabic stems to behave any different than monosyllabic ones.

> Assigning +Re to the a.p. c forms here would have resulted
> in *veselÚjI, *veselóje, *veselája, which is incorrect.

That's why you cannot just look at Russian .-)

> The
> explanation through Stang's law works here, which of course
> doesn't make up for the fact that it *doesn't* for the
> "standard" 2-syllabic mobile adjectives, and that there's
> still no contraction in Russian.
>
> So what is going here? I have no good explanation for
> Russian vesëlyj, vesëlaja either.

It's analogical after a. p. b. In polysyllabic stems, Russian eliminates
the end-stress.

> I was a bit afraid that
> the polysyllabic a.p. b adjectives would bring down my whole
> theory about Proto-Balto-Slavic a.p. II (theme-stressed
> paradigms), because a pre-Dybo form *teNz^élo, teNz^éla (=>
> teNz^eló, teNz^elá by Dybo's law) is simply unacceptable in
> that scheme (a medial non-acute stress would have been
> retracted long before Dybo's law). It has to be *teNz^eló,
> *teNz^elá, but how do I explain teNz^éloje etc.? But as it
> turns out, the "medial stress retraction law" (what I
> usually, but perhaps confusingly, refer to as "Stang's
> law"), retracts the stress only by one syllable, as is clear
> from the trisyllabic o-stem neuters: R. veretenó, pl.
> veretëna; res^etó, res^ëta; tenetó, tenëta. A compound
> *teNz^elóje would have been retracted to teNz^éloje, which
> is exactly what we find. But that explanation does not work
> for a.p. c (well, it works for veséloje, but not for
> drugóje).
>
> I still feel that the fixation of the stress in the long
> adjectival forms must be related somehow to Dolobko's law
> and with the fixation of the stress in prefixed nouns
> (Zaliznjak p. 153ff.) of the potópU-type, where the base
> word gets plus-marking (more precisely acute marking:
> bezboródU), even if it was originally minus (a.p. c) or ->
> (a.p. b). But my earlier view that the stress was simply
> fixed on the initial syllable in a.p. a/b and on the final
> syllable in a.p. c is wrong: it works for sta"roje,
> gla"dUkoje, bę'loje and drugóje, but it does not for
> gotóvoje, teNz^éloje and veséloje.

Veséloje is out of the picture and gotóvoje is exactly the same thing as
béloje the only difference being that the stem has two syllables.