From: tgpedersen
Message: 47161
Date: 2007-01-29
>They are from Leskien: Handbuch der altbulgarischen Sprach, neunte
> On 2007-01-29 04:55, tgpedersen wrote:
> > The Russian ko mné, k tebé thing fascinated me for its similarity
> > to PIE secondary 1sg -om vs 3sg -t (vowel / no vowel), so I looked
> > up the CSl equivalent. And it's
> >
> > A mIne,, tebe,
> > I mUnojo,, tobojo,
> > L mIne,, tebe,
> > (but
> > D mene tebe)
> >
> > What a cop-out. I thought I was going to get an explanation of the
> > very un-Havlík variation in the designation of heavy syllables
> > before nasals vs stops, but no, the designers of OCS introduced a
> > jer / full vowel distinction between the pronouns of 1st vs
> > 2 (and 3)sg, probably to explain this very phenomenon. Anybody who
> > can explain what really went on here?
>
> First, the forms you quote are not quite correct. They should be:
>
> acc. meN/mene teN/tebe
> gen. mene tebe
> dat. mIne^/mi tebe^/ti
> ins. mUnojoN tobojoN
> loc. mIne^ tebe^
>
> It seems that the front vowels are original and the back ones in theOK. So that means Havlík needs an overhaul? I would of course be happy
> instrumental are due to some kind of umlaut-like assimilation. There
> are occasional contaminated variants like the rarer dat. mUne^
> beside mIne^, and cf. dat./loc. tobe^ in much of North Slavic (Pol.
> tobie, Ukr. tobi, Cz. tobe^).
>
> The enclitic forms of the dative (mi, ti) are archaic, though the
> vowel is a bit problematic if they come from *moi, *toi (see
> Miguel's latest posts). So are the monosyllabic forms of the
> accusative (meN, teN), cf. IIr. *ma:m, *twa:m, which are extended
> variants of old enclitic *me, *t(w)e (possibly preserved in Old
> Polish), whereas the disyllabic forms are borrowed from the
> genitive.
>
> The stem teb- resulted from the reanalysis of the old dative
> *t(w)e-bH(e)i. The *b < *bH crept into other case forms, e.g. gen.
> *téwe > tebe
>
> The yer in the 1sg. results from the accentually conditioned
> treatment of the secondary nasal stem *men- extracted from the
> reanalysed gen. *méne (and perhaps acc. meN). Strong/weak vowel
> alternation (e/I) may have been more natural before a sonorant than
> before an obstruent, but note also such variants as OCS c^eso ~
> c^Iso.