From: tgpedersen
Message: 46149
Date: 2006-09-20
>Come to think of it, it should, with full grade of root, have
> --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Piotr Gasiorowski <gpiotr@> wrote:
> >
> > On 2006-09-19 17:55, tgpedersen wrote:
> >
> > > since this might offer an explanation of where the n-infix
> > > came from. Now, Jens has shown that Winter takes place
> > > only in syllables immediately preceding the stress. As far
> > > as I can tell, n-infixes happen only in thematic stems.
> > > Thematic stem were originally stressed on the thematic vowel.
> > > Therefore, if Winter-lengthening is caused by voiced
> > > unaspirated stops being prenasalized, and n-infix is caused
> > > by prenasalized stops, it is only right that they occur in
> > > the same environment, namely before the stressed syllable.
> >
> > The nasal infix, at least in verbs, originally occurred
> > exclusively in _athematic_ stems, e.g.
> >
> > *linékW-ti, *linkW-énti (from *leikW- 'abandon')
> > *str.nóh3-ti, *str.nh3-énti (from *sterh3- 'spread')
> > *k^lnéu-ti, *k^l.nw-énti (from *k^leu- 'hear')
> > *kWrináh2-ti, *kWrinh2-énti (from *kWreih2- 'buy')
> >
> > etc.
> >
> > It appears before all kinds of final consonants (including glides),
> > not necessarily stops, aspirated or otherwise.
> >
> > The infixed presents arose probably as follows: if the root
> > was of the form CeRC, the athematic stem with a nasal suffix,
> > e.g. *léjkW-n-, was metathesised to *léjnkW-. As there seems
> > to have been a tendency in pre-PIE to avoid stem-forms ending
> > in more than two consonants, an anaptyctic vowel was inserted
> > between the nasal and the root-final consonant, yielding
> > *léjnekW-. The new vowel stole the accent from the old one,
> > and the accented form of the stem became *leinékW- > PIE
> > *linékW-. The addition of a personal ending with a full
> > vowel produced the weak form, PIE *linkW-'. The pattern was
> > then generalised, so that we find in in a number of *CReC
> > roots as well (*pleh1-, *k^leu-, etc.).
> >
>
>
> The pattern in the sg., which obviously is a calque of Sanskrit,
> can't be original. It must have been *línkW-ti. It think what
> happened in Ind.-Ir. is that suffixed stems in *Cn-éC, 3sg
> CnéC-ti (you last three examples), were confused with stems in
> *CénC-, 3sg *CénC-ti, because of the common pl., 3pl CnC-énti.
> Therefore those sg. forms can't be used to prove that verbs
> like *linkW- were athematic.