From: Piotr Gasiorowski
Message: 45962
Date: 2006-09-05
> What about the well-known Paradebeispiel *keh2uló- (Gr.Similarly in Latv. die~veris. I'm not at all convinced that *kah2uló- is
> kaulós 'stem') > *kahuló- > (Hirt) *káhulo- > Lith. káulas (1), Latv.
> kau~ls 'bone' vs. *tenh2wós (Gr. tanaós 'outstretched') > *tenhwós >
> (no Hirt) Lith. (Z^em.) téNvas (3), Latv. tiêvs 'thin'? Why of two
> synchronically identical acutes (*áu and *én) one attracts and the
> other doesn't?
>> Kortlandt interprets Winter's Law in glottalic terms -- something IIt has consequences for the chronology of laryngeal loss. If one assumes
>> wouldn't subscribe to, as modal voicing is perfectly capable of
>> conditioning quantitative changes (with further prosodic
> consequences),
>> in my opinion.
>
> Yes, but I fail to see how it could be relevant here.
>> As far as I'm concerned, there's no need to insist thatYes, something along these lines.
>> consonantal laryngeals survived _that_ long. The "old iterative"
> acute
>> may have arisen at just the right stage, possibly after the loss of
> the
>> laryngeals but before Winter's Law and the loss of the *d/*dH
> contrast.
>
> So you assume the following relative chronology:
> 1. the loss of laryngeals;
> 2. "old iterative" acute;
> 3. non-laryngeal formulation of Hirt's Law (prosodic acute attracts);
> 4. Winter's Law, right?
> BTW, do you have any examples for the Lithuanian counterpart of theHow about verbs like
> Slavic "old iterative" acute? Any possible exmaples of stress
> retraction to such an acute in Lithuanian?