--- In
cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Piotr Gasiorowski <gpiotr@...>
wrote:
>
> On 2006-05-16 09:59, tgpedersen wrote:
> > --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "Joao S. Lopes" <josimo70@>
wrote:
> >> A name like "kain" or "koin" could be onomatopeic.
> >>
> >> Joao SL
> >
> > It may helps if one speaks Portuguese. Danish dogs go "vov".
>
> But Polish dogs go <hau-hau>, with an initial velar or glottal
fricative
> ([xaw] or [haw], cf. Spanish <jau-jau> ~ <guau-guau> and Arabic
> <haw-haw>). French dogs go <ouah-ouah> or <ouaf-ouaf>, and Chinese
ones,
> <wang-wang>. In the South Siberian Turkic language Tofa dogs go
> <ham-ham> or <hong-hong>. In Catalan, <bup-bup>; In English, <wow-
wow>,
> <bow-wow> or <woof-woof>; in Japanese, <wan-wan>; in Korean,
> <meong-meong> (pronounced like "mung"); in Hindi, <bho-bho>; in
> Portuguese, <au-au>. It's evident that labial and velar (or
uvular,
> pharyngeal, glottal) elements, often accompanied by nasality,
occur here
> to the exclusion of coronals; [w]-like sounds are especially
common. All
> that makes "kain" or "koin" look doubtful as convincing attempts
at
> imitating dogs. On the other hand, the *k^w- part of PIE *k^wo:n,
if it
> could be derived from something like pre-PIE **k(H)aw-, would be a
> plausible onomatopoeic root. It's just a possibility -- I don't
know
> how, how-how, it could be proved.
>
You are amazing. Have you been collecting comic books? (Good way to
keep up your foreign languages BTW; here's what the Dutch translator
of Donald Duck felt was the equivalent of "to sleep, perchance to
dream..."
"Het hemelsche gerecht heeft zich ten langen lesten
erbarremt over mij en mijn benauwde festen"
(Joost van Vondel: Ghijsbrecht van Amstel)
which is sort of irrelevant)
on the "collective -n suffix" in Sino-Tibetan,
Matissof's "Handbook"
"
11.2.3 Collectivizing *-n
The most interesting function of suffixal *-n is after noun roots,
where in a few cases it seems to have a collective or pluralizing
meaning.13 Convincing examples are relatively few, but they are to
be found in Chinese as well as in TB, with occasional good
correspondences between them (see 11.2.4 below).
'palm/sole'
*pwa-n STC#418; JAM 2000a ("*p-/w-") #16
*pwa Nung ur-pha; WB bh&wâ;
Garo dzak-pha 'palm', dza-pha 'sole'
*pwan Jg. l&phàn a
'garlic / onion'
*swa-n JAM 1985a GSTC, pp. 10-11
*swa Lahu u-qo 'leek', u-phu 'onion', u-phu-nù 'garlic' b
*swan WB krak-swan 'onion'
a. The -n in Jingpho is "possibly with dual force" here (STC n.
284). Although this is not suggested in STC, it is possible that the
source of this "collectivizing" suffix is actually the numeral 'two'
*g-ni-s (above Ch. 10). There is a Jingpho numeral ni (used in
composition), as well as a collectivizing suffix of the same shape
(Hanson 1906:467-8; Dai et al. 1983:593).
b. Lahu -u is the regular reflex of *-wa, with several parallel
examples ('cattle'; 'handspan'; 'tooth'; see above 5.2.2). PLB *-an
becomes Lahu -e (e.g. 'louse'; 'slave'; 'hawk'; see above 7.1(2).
There is a solid Chinese cognate with final -n (below). The function
of the -n in this root might have been to differentiate multi-cloved
garlic from unibulbate onions. Note, incidentally, that the English
word onion is itself etymologically related to one : < French oignon
< Lat. unio(n)- 'unity, union; a kind of large pearl, a rustic Roman
name for a single onion' (OED).
13. See STC, n. 284, pp. 99-100; n. 428, pp. 157-8. 446 Suffixes
This suffix is also postulated in several animal names, with the
semantic implication that they are species perceived to appear in
large groups:14
'crow'
*ka-n STC pp. 99-100
*ka WT kha-tha; Jg. ù-kha; Rawang tha?-kha
*kan WB kyî-kân a
'crab'
*d-ka:y <> *d-kan b STC #51
*d-ka:y Lp. tahi; Mikir tsehe;
Tangkhul khai 'fish', khai-reu 'crab';
Lushai ai ~ chakai 'crab'
*d-kan Jg. t&khán
a. The unaspirated WB initial actually points to a prototype with
*voiced initial, *gan. The voicing possibly arose because the
initial of the second element in the compound is in intervocalic
position.
b. There are other several other etyma which display -ay & -an
variation; see JAM 1985a GSTC pp.46-7, 64-6; also JAM 1995a "Palatal
suffixes"; see below 11.6.
Written Tibetan has a pair of collective circumfixes, comprising
prefixal s- and a suffix which is either -n or -d (= /t/), which is
found in a very few words denoting kinship groups, functioning to
expand the range of reference of the source noun (Beyer 1992:119):
phu 'elder brother' spun span-spun 'siblings' 'brothers;
relatives'
tsha 'grandchild; nephew' khu-tshan pha-tshan 'uncle and
nephew' 'cousins on the father's side' a
khu 'uncle' skud-po 'brother-in-law; father-in-law'
pha 'father' pha-spad 'father and children'
ma 'mother' ma-smad 'mother and children'
a. The s- prefix does not appear in these forms because of their
sibilant initial.
14. The most convincing examples of this category are 'goose'
and 'rat/rabbit', presented below (11.2.4) because the evidence
comes mainly from Chinese.
11.2.4: Traces of suffixal *-n in Chinese
This kinship suffix is reflected sporadically elsewhere in TB, not
necessarily with a "collective" meaning, e.g.:
'mother'
*ma-n Kanauri mann
'child'
*tsa-n Dhimal tsan
'child'
*za-n Lepcha azon 'grandchild'
'grandmother'
*bwa-n WB kha?-pwân 'spouse' (kha? 'grandfather' )
11.2.4 Traces of suffixal *-n in Chinese15
The most interesting cases of the *-n suffix in Chinese involve noun
roots where the suffix can be said to contribute a collective or
vaguely plural meaning. These include several animal names and
kinship terms:
15. See STC: 154-60.
'dog'
*kw&y-n STC #159; JAM 1985a GSTC #17
*kw&y WT khyi; Chepang kwi; Jg. gùi; WB khwê; Lahu phï^
Lushai ui; Karen thw\î;
Chinese .. (OC ku; GSR #108d) 'dog'
*kw&yn Chinese .. (OC k`iw&n; GSR #479a-d) 'dog' a
'female'
*pwi(y-)n stc#171
*pwi(y) Lushai -pui 'feminine affix';
Jg. wi ~ yi 'id.', s&wi ~ s&yi 'female'
*pwi(y)n Chinese .. (OC b'y&n ~ b'y&r; GSR #566i-j)
'female of animals' b
'flesh/meat/animal'
*sya-n stc #181
*sya WT sa 'flesh, meat', sa-ba 'hart, stag';
WB sâ; Lahu a 'game animal; meat, flesh';
Ch. .. (OC siôg; GSR #1100a-f) 'animal'
*syan Jg. àn 'flesh, meat; deer';
Chinese .. (OC syen; GSR #386a-c) 'body'c
'garlic /onion' d
*swa-n JAM 1985a GSTC, pp. 10-11
*swa Lahu u
a. Perhaps the suffixed Chinese form originally referred to wild
dogs, which run in packs; ?<>? PTB *kywal 'wild dog; dhole' > PLB
*wan'.
b. Although this is not suggested in STC, the meaning here is
possibly collective: 'females in general, regardless of species;
femaledom'.
c. The whole body is apparently "flesh viewed collectively". For
an alternative etymology, see JAM 2000c ("PLB Fable") where the
Chinese form is compared to PTB *sin 'body; owner; agentive
nominalizer' > Lahu ò-e (-phâ) 'body; self' and Lai Chin
sin 'possesive particle'. See above 7.2(2).
d. In STC (p. 190) this root is related rather implausibly to
*swaúr 'sour'; see above 9.2.2.
e. The original collective force of the Chinese suffix is
plausible given that wild geese typically appear in large groups
during migration, etc.
f. Jingpho shows intralingual variation between the plain and
suffixed forms. WB and Chinese both reflect the suffixed allofam.
Rats and rabbits are both species notorious for their fecundity.
There are also three good Chinese examples of the collective suffix
with kinship terms:
*swan WB krak-swan 'onion';
Chinese .. (OC swân; GSR #175b) 'garlic'
'goose'
*?a-n STC pp. 99, 155, 191
*?a Chinese .. OC ?â (GSR #2p) 'domestic goose'
*?an Chinese .. OC ?an (GSR #186c) 'wild goose'; e WB ?ân
'grass'
*r-tswa-n STC pp. 49, 158
*r-tswa WT rtswa;
perhaps also Chinese .. 'grass, plants, herbs'
(OC ts`ôg; GSR#1049b-c)
*r-tswan Chinese .. 'grass, herb'
(OC dz'i&n ~ dz'w&n; GSR #432b)
'man/person'
*r-mi-n STC pp. 107,158
*r-mi(y) WT mi; rGyalrong t&rmi;
Kanauri mi; Magar bh&rmi;
Digaro name; Lushai mi
*min Chinese .. (OC myen ~ my&n; GSR #457a-b) 'people'
'rat/rabbit'
*b-y&w-n STC #93
*b-y&w Jg. yú 'rat';f WT byiu 'alpine hare'
*b-y&wn Jg. yun 'rat'; WB yun 'rabbit';
Chinese .. (OC ts`yw&n; GSR #468s) 'hare'
'grandchild'
*syu(w)-n STC p. 158
*syu(w) Jg. û; Mikir and Meithei su; Bodo sou, Dimasa su
*syu(w)n Chinese .. (OC sw&n; GSR #434a-c)
a. For an alternative etymology for this Chinese form, see below
12.6.1(2).
Other manifestations of the *-n suffix appear sporadically in
Chinese with both noun and verb roots; most of the post-nominal
cases are also susceptible of a "collective" interpretation:
(1) With noun roots
'older brother /senior male relative'
*g&w-n <> *k&w-n STC #255
*g/k&w WB ac-kui 'older brother';
WT khu-bo 'uncle';
Ao Naga o-khu 'uncle, father-in-law';
Jg. gû ~ kû 'father-in-law';
Meithei i-ku 'id.'
*g/k&wn Chinese .. (OC kw&n; GSR #417a-b) 'older brother'
'children /relatives'
*tsa-n STC pp. 27,158
*tsa WT btsa-ba 'bear children',
tsha-bo 'nephew', tsha-mo 'niece';
Bahing tsa-tsa 'grandson';
Maru and Atsi tso 'child';
Chinese .. (OC tsy&g; GSR #964a-j) 'child'
*tsan Dhimal tsan 'son';
Chinese .. (OC ts`ien; GSR #382o-p)
'parents, relatives'; a
cf. also the WT collective kinterms cited above:
khu-tshan 'uncle and nephew',
pha-tshan 'cousins on the father's side',
gnyen-tshan 'kindred, relations'
'heaven'
*m-ka-n STC p. 157
*m-ka WT mkha 'heaven, the heavens',
nam-mkha `heaven, sky'
*m-kan a Magar nam-khan 'sun';
Chinese .. (OC t`ien; GSR #361a-c) 'heaven' <>
.. (OC ?ien; AD 996 [not in GSR #361]);
cf. also .. (OC g`yan; GSR #140c) 'heaven, heavenly'
'monkey'
*g-woy-n STC #314
*g-woy Jingpho woi b
Kadu kwe;
Nung &we;
Moshang vi-sil;
Shangge yok-vi
*g-woyn Chinese .. (OC gywan; GSR #256c)
'net'
*kwa-n <> *gwa-n STC #158; p. 158
*kwa Chinese .. (OC kwo; GSR #41d) 'net'
a. A collective interpretation is also possible here; cf. plural
expressions for the sky in other languages, e.g. Eng. the heavens;
French les cieux; Hebrew shamayim 'sky, the heavens'
(morphologically dual).
b. STC cites an alternant "we", but I have been unable to confirm
this in other sources.
c. Jg. ?wàn-khùt 'smoke' reflects a stopped allofam *k&wt. This
word family may thus be included in the collection of morphophonemic
triplets, above 11.1.1. See below 11.3.1.
d. The first element in these forms means 'fire' (except for Lahu,
where it means 'sky').
e. A river is a collectivity of waters, i.e. a confluence of
tributaries. See above 10.6.
(2)
With verb roots
*kwan <> *gwan WT rkon-pa ~ skon-pa 'fowler's net';
Lepcha kun 'sort of fishnet';
Jg. sùm-gòn; Nung gun;
WB kwan 'casting net'; Maru gùm
'smoke'
*k&w-n/t c STC #256; p. 159
*k&w Bunan khu; Limbu me-khu;
Abor mui-kü; WB mî-khûi;
Lahu mû-qhô; d
Garo wal-ku; Jg. khú 'be smoky'
*k&wn Sunwar kun; Newar kïn;
Chinese .. (OC ?yw&n GSR #461a-c)
'to smoke, to steam; aflame'
'water / river'
*tw&y-n STC #168; p. 158
*tw&y Lushai tui 'water / egg';
WB thwê 'spit', tam-thwê 'saliva';
Chinese .. (OC syw&r; GSR #576a-e) 'water'
*tw&yn Chinese .. (OC t^yw&n; GSR #462a) 'stream, river' e
'bitter / liver' a
*b-ka-n STC #8; p. 158
*ka WT kha; Jg. khá; WB khâ;
Lahu qhâ; Lushai kha;
Chinese .. (OC k`o; GSR #49u) 'bitter';
Garo kha 'bitter', bi-kha ~ b&kha 'liver'
*kan Chinese .. (OC kân; GSR #139L) 'liver'
'blush / red'
*n(y)a-n STC p. 159
*nya Pa-o Karen na 'red'
*nyan Chinese .. (OC nan; GSR #216b) 'blush' b
'eat/food/feed'
*dzya-n STC #66; p. 159 c
*dzya WT (b)za-ba 'eat';
Jg. á; WB câ; Lahu câ 'id.';
Pwo/Sgaw sha 'food'
*dzyan WT zan 'food'; Lepcha azom 'food';
Chinese .. (OC ts`ân) 'eat/ food, meal'.
See above 11.1.1.
11.2.4: Traces of suffixal *-n in Chinese
'wear / put on'
*g/kwa-n STC #160
'far'
*g-w&y-n STC:61; DL:1337
*w&y2 (PLB) WB wê; Lahu vï^; Maru wa
*gw&y (Qiangic) Qiang (Mawo) gu&r?e;
Qiang (Taoping) ?ua33;
Muya qhua55ra53;
Queyu kua55kua53;
Shixing qhua55 [ZMYYC #817]
*gw&yn Chinese .. gywan [GSR #256f-g]
'ill / suffer'
*na-n STC #80; p. 159
*na WB na 'be sick, hurt';
Lahu nà 'id.';
WT na-ba 'id.'
*nan Lahu nê 'illness producing spirit';
Chinese .. (OC nân) 'be in difficulty, suffer'.
See above 11.1.1.
'join / bring together' d
*d/tu-t <> *d/tu-n STC #421; p. 159
*du <> *tu WT h.du-ba 'assemble, meet, join',
h.thu-ba 'gather, collect'
*dun Chinese .. (OC d`wan; GSR #427a-c)
'accumulate, bring together',e and
.. (OC d`w&n; GSR #427n-o)
'tie together, envelop'
*dut <> *tut WT sdud-pa 'put together, unite';
Jg. tút 'be joined, bound together'
'red'
*t(y)a-n STC pp. 17-18,159
*t(y)a WB ta ~ tya 'very red, flaming red';
Chinese .. (OC t^yu; GSR #128a-c) 'red'
*t(y)an Tiddim Chin tshan ~ san 'red';
Lushai sen;
Chinese .. (OC tân; GSR #150a-b)
'red, vermilion; cinnabar',
.. (OC tsyien; GSR #378g) 'pale red', and
.. (OC ts`y&n; GSR #812t') 'dark red'
'thick'
*t/dow-n f STC #319; JAM 1994d
*t/dow Jg. dau; WB thu; Lahu thu
*t/don Chepang dun 'thick'; Abor-Miri ko-dun 'buttock';
Wancho chi-dun 'heel';
Chinese
.. (OC tw&n; GSR #464p-q) 'solid, thick' and
.. (OC tyw&n ~ d'u&n; GSR #427k)
'thick (as darkness)'
a. In this word family, the suffix looks like a nominalizer. The
semantic connection is via the 'gall bladder'.
b. The modern colloquial Mandarin expression is .. .. lian
hóng, lit. 'face is red'.
c. There is also an allofam with velar suffix; see below 11.5.
d. Since this word family has stop-final allofams, it should also
be included in the collection of morphophonemic triplets, above
11.1.1.
e. Peter Boodberg has suggested that the ancient graphic
interchange between this character and .. 'seven' might imply a
Chinese cognate to the isolated WT form bdun 'seven' (p.c. to
Benedict; see Benedict 1939:219). For a discussion of this
mysterious etymon see 1995b ("Numerals"):202.
f. There is also an allofam with final -k, *tu:k (STC #356). As
shown in JAM 1994d, the semantic range of this word-family extends
into the concept dull (as opposed to sharp; cf. Chinese .. (OC
d`w&n; GSR #427i) 'dull', and from there to rounded body-parts like
buttocks and heel; cf. Chinese .. .. (OC d`w&n; GSR #429a-
c) 'buttocks', and .. (OC ti&n; GSR #429d) 'rear of an army'.
"
Torsten
BTW this "the isolated Written Tibetan form bdun 'seven'" seems
interesting.