I said:
> Gender has nothing to do with it. The first stem
> is *?ekwo-, the second is *yugom-. The second ends
> in *m and that's what makes the difference.
Miguel tries to re-emphasize facts that I already
know:
> It ends in o/e- (pl.obl. -oy), of course:
>
> NAV *yug-ó-m
> G *yug-ó-syo (~ -syó)
> D *yug-ó-ei
> L *yug-ó-i
> I *yug-ó-(e)h1
> Ab *yug-ó-od
I know, already! Segmenting the nominoaccusative as
*yug-o-m is only something that you get from a
grammatical analysis of its entire paradigm as it
occured right before Fragmentation. You must seperate
this sort of analysis from the etymological realities
of this stem which can be quite different.
Must I use the example of the same sort of analysis
showing a "monovocalic Sanskrit" again? Naturally,
we know that this doesn't mean that IE had only one
vowel. The analysis is only relevent to Sanskrit
itself. We can get into all sorts of trouble if we
blindly project these analyses further back in time
without deeper consideration.
As I already mentioned here, the "deeper
consideration" that we must understand about *yugom
is that it is _inanimate_ and therefore unable to
carry the accusative *-m which is well documented
to be exclusively **animate** except by way of your
forced analysis of inanimate *m-stems.
Logic dictates that the n-a. form *yugom is in fact
the true form of the stem while *yugo- has spread
across the oblique cases from somewhere.
That somewhere is the locative, *yugo-i, caused by
a minor sound change of *ómi > *ói
> And it's *-o: (bhéro:) and *-ó: (*tudó:),
> independent of accent.
I explained in another post in response to Piotr's
input that accent on the thematic vowel is by
analogy with thematic aorists which can only have
occured right before Fragmentation. Acrostatic
Regularization, which must exist to explain the
dominant acrostatic pattern of thematic stems, would
have predicted that presents with accented thematic
can't exist. So something postdating AR must have
occured to explain those more minor cases.
= gLeN
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