From: Rob
Message: 39540
Date: 2005-08-07
> --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "Rob" <magwich78@...> wrote:With all due respect, you can find it however you want to. It makes
>
> > I understand the connection. Undeniably, we see o-vocalism
> > before a voiced consonant (or another vowel) in the "thematic
> > vowel". However, correlation and causation are two different
> > things, and the former does not necessarily imply the latter.
>
> I find your attitude very strange.
> You are obviously clinging to the mere hope that the evidence weYou seem to be under the impression that I do not want to admit that
> have is deceitful.
> Why not work out rules that explain the language as we observe it?I feel that I have done the same. Each of us thinks that the other
> That's what I have done.
> > Now, I do not deny the possibility that final *-s was voiced as aNot pre-IE; IE itself. As I said, though, it's merely a
> > result of sandhi phenomena.
>
> Why would it be a sandhi phenomenon in pre-PIE?
> There are no known alternants, so there is no problem ofWhen relying solely on internal comparison, one can propose any sorts
> alternation to account for. To me it looks like a phoneme /z/
> opposed to /s/.
> > Quite often in Sanskrit there are forms with underlying /-s/ thatI agree, but I think it *may* be relevant for the last stage of IE
> > sometimes show up with /-r/ in sandhi. It's possible that those
> > positions show earlier /-z/ which further weakened to /-r/ (i.e.
> > sandhi rhotacism). The question of whether this phenomenon
> > existed in IE itself is still an open one, though.
>
> The Sanskrit -r is indeed from a voiced retroflex *-z. (Iranian
> z^), whích was a sandhi variant of RUKI *-s. (Iranian s^), but that
> is not relevant for a prestage of PIE.
> > The only way there can be e-vocalism in the suffix is if it wasHmm. What caused the lengthened grade there in the first place?
> > originally stressed -- the laryngeals don't seem to color /o/.
> > Also, I wouldn't say the laryngeal here "colors *e to *a", but
> > rather the original quality of the vowel -- /a/ -- is preserved.
>
> /H2/ does colour /e/, for in cases of lengthened grade the form is
> e:H2 or H2e: (not a:H2, H2a:).
> > I don't think that the feminine suffix contained a thematicI don't think the nom.-acc. neuter plural fits into the strong-
> > vowel. That is, I don't think the vowel of the suffix was
> > separate from the laryngeal. I reconstruct a unitary suffix *-áx
> > *-éx (in *phonemic* terms; the phonetic realization would have
> > remained [-áx], I think).
>
> That is wrong. The nom.-acc. neuter plural is a strong case and so
> cannot have an underlying vowel; that excludes *-eH2 leaving only *-
> H2.
> > To me, the "thematic feminine" declension seems toDefine "major break", please.
> > have actually been an *athematic* one. The problem with Jens'
> > theory is that it is typologically unrealistic. Absent any
> > conditioning factor(s), there is no reason why a language would
> > treat stem-final vowels somehow differently from all other
> > vowels. Thus, I do not think that Jens' system is simpler than
> > mine.
>
> It is plainly observable that there is a major break in the words
> at that point.
> The flexives have a more varied vocalism than the stem-formingSince I do not relate the "thematic feminine" with the "thematic
> suffixes, so *something* has been going [on] at this particular
> morpheme boundary.
> Some are just unwilling to take stock of it for reasons I cannotWell, do you have any idea as to what that "certain prominence" was?
> respect. My own suggestion is that word-final vowels once had a
> certain prominence later reflected by the special resistence
> towards ablaut reductions. In what way is that impossible? Or
> inadequate? Or complicated? Or contrived?