From: Piotr Gasiorowski
Message: 39302
Date: 2005-07-18
> Thank you, Piotr. The short answer is, I don't know. The forms makePerhaps *r.h1d-no- > *r.dH-no- > pre-BSl. *rn.dHo- (metathesis and
> me think of a problem of long standing which is hardly ever
> addressed. There are some surprising nasalized derivatives also from
> noun stems that show the nasal in a surprisingly early position.
>
> *k^erH2w- + -n- -> *k^r-n-u- 'horn'
> *trewH- + -n- -> *trnu- 'grass, thorn'?
>
> Might one perhaps think of a comparable process in
>
> *reH1d- + -n- -> *rnd- ??
>
> I find in Skok the SbCr forms re^d m., re^d, -i f., re"da f.,
> pointing to PSl *reN^dU m. (c), *reN^dI, -i f. (c?), *re"Nda f. (a).
> I see in Bezlaj's Etimolos^ki slovar slovenskega jezika III (1995),
> where practically every entry has been recast by Marko Snoj or Metka
> Furlan, that the latter posits a pair *reN^dU : *re"Nda on the
> pattern of *vor^nU : *vo"rna without further explanation. If
> anywhere near the truth it looks like vrddhi in a collective, itself
> a most respectful possibility. It would be of a relative late
> vintage, based as it is on the zero-grade, i.e. *rind-o-/*ri:nd-a:-.
>
> Now, Lat. ordo: is an n-stem, so perhaps there is a connection, and
> perhaps this even pulls the rug from under the find O-infix analysis
> of the unaspirated /d/. It is not solved in a second I'm afraid.
>