--- In
cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Piotr Gasiorowski <gpiotr@...>
wrote:
> elmeras2000 wrote:
>
> > A sequence //g^herHy-// will yield full-grade *g^her- before
clusters
> > and zero-grade *g^hriH- in any environment.
>
> Perhaps, though independent examples would not be easy to find.
Lat.
> hordeum seems to reflect the zero grade *r., not *-iH-, and the
Albanian
> vocalism is of course ambiguous. On second thoughts, we should
perhaps
> separate the Greek word from the rest. The Latin, Germanic and
Albanian
> forms are regularly derivable from *g^Herzd-/*g^Hr.zd-. Greek shows
*dH
> rather that *d, and no reflex of *z, whose loss is strange, given
the
> normal development of *-zdH- to Gk. -stH-. Who knows, <kri:tHe:>
could
> even go back to *krih1-tah2 or the like. Because of Albanian -d-,
at any
> rate, I'd favour a derivation of <drithë> from something with *-zd
(H)-
> in it, since *-i(:)dah2 would have lost the intervocalic stop.
That's
> one more reason for grouping it together with the Latin and
Germanic
> words even at the cost of giving up the Greek connection.
>
> Piotr
I.
The depalatisation rule as defined by Kortland is :
"
Dialectal Indo-European:
2.3. The PIE. palatovelars were depalatalized before resonants unless
the latter were followed by a front vowel.
e.g. OCS. slovo `word', Gr. kleos, but Lith. klausyti `to listen'.
This development was common to Balto-Slavic and Albanian.
Together with the above-mentioned neutralization of the velar series
after s and the delabialization of the labiovelars before rounded
vowels in the western IE. languages it is the main source of the
putative series of PIE. plain velars. "
(I will not open here the discussion related to the origin of pure
velars ...)
So to resume here the rules for Balto-Slavic and PAlb:
======================================================
1. k'/{r/-,l/-,m/-,n/-} > k/{m,n,r,l}
2. k'/{m/+,n/+,r/+,l/+} > k'/{m,n,r,l}
3. g'/{m/-,n/-,r/-,l/-} > g/{m,n,r,l}
4. g'/{m/+,n/+,r/+,l/+} > g'/{m,n,r,l}
=======================================================
So we have:
a) Lith: love: 'honour' < Balto-Slavic *clo:u- < PIE *k'le:u-
but
b) Lith: klausyti 'to listen' < Balto-Slavic *klau- < PIE *k'lou-
Conclusions:
a) the depalatisation rule is not directly related to the syllabic
sonorants : m.,n.,l.,r. (see above examples)
b) but of course if r. > ri this will influence the context of the
rule above
II.
Next, what is also important to show, is that we have examples of
Albanian depalatization that took place in zero-grade contexts:
We have :
1. Alb. grurë 'wheat' < PIE *grh2-no -> Lat. gra:num Sl. *z&rn&
Lith. zirnis
Note: I don't see how grurë could be a loan from Latin (as Piotr has
proposed (Latin a: > Alb a))
2. Alb. grerë 'hornet' < PIE *k'rHs-en- -> Lat. cra:bro Lith.
iruõ Sl. *s&ren&
Note-1: I don't know why Dersken didn't put the laryngeal in the PIE
root of Balto-Slavic forms for 'hornet'.
Note-2: For the explanation of e in grerë we have the regular ue > e.
(via -rHse- > -ruhe- > -rue- > -re-)
What is the common feature of all these examples?
We have a cluster r+laryngeal in all of them:
=> So PIE *rH ( r+laryngeal ) > Alb *ru~ur
Note: When the laryngeal is not present the output is ri~ir
PIE* kWr.mi > PAlb. krim(b)i > krimb
For the output *rH > ru~ur we have also:
3. Alb. gurë 'stone' < PIE *gWrH-i -> Skt. giri 'mountain'
Best Regards,
Marius