Re: [tied] Lat. -idus

----- Original Message -----

From: Miguel Carrasquer

To: cybalist@yahoogroups.com

Sent: Wednesday, January 05, 2005 11:49 AM

Subject: Re: [tied] Lat. -idus

On Wed, 05 Jan 2005 11:19:17 +0100, Piotr Gasiorowski
<gpiotr@...> wrote:

>I am trying to make sense of the life-cycles of *es-stems in Latin.
>Jens's theory of the *s/*t/*h1 morpho-phonological complex makes one
>expect adjectival derivatives in *-eto- (and substantivisations
>thereof), such as *wenh1-eto- from *wenh1-os. This is indeed what we
>seem to find in some cases (cf. Skt namas- 'homage' vs. Gaul. nemeton,
>OSax. nimid- 'holy place'). But we also find derivatives in *-osto- (~
>*-esto-), such as Lat. onustus 'burdened' (cf. Gk. onostos 'to be
>blamed'), venustus 'lovely' (there was an Alpine tribe called the
>Venostes beside the Veneti), <honestus> and other similar ones. These
>can be understood as *-eto- formations blended with *-os/*-es-. But by
>far the most regular type of Latin adjectives related to verbs in
>*-eh1-, *-eh1-sk^e/o- and to *es-stem nouns contains those in <-idus>,
>like <fri:gidus> (<fri:geo:>, <fri:ge:sco:>, <fri:gor>, <fri:ge:do:>),
><torpidus>, <calidus>, <lepidus>, <vapidus>, <mu:cidus>, etc. (also with
>contraction as in <u:dus>, <cru:dus>). What is the origin of this
>formation? Is it *-edo- "substituted" for *-eto-? But why?
>
>One possibility that has just occurred to me is that the PIE alternant
>of *s was not *t but a voiceless fricative (of a "thorny" kind) which
>was "hardened" into *t in such branches as Celtic, Germanic and Greek,
>but which fell together with the fricative reflex of *dH in the ancestor
>of Latin, yielding -d- in intervocalic positions: *-eþo-s > *-eðos >
>-idus. The combination *-sþ- developed into Lat. -st-. Any comments?

Perhaps Olsen pre-aspiration -eh1t- > -eth-?

=======================
Miguel Carrasquer Vidal
mcv@...