Re: [tied] Lat. -idus

On 05-01-05 11:19, Piotr Gasiorowski wrote:

> One possibility that has just occurred to me is that the PIE alternant
> of *s was not *t but a voiceless fricative (of a "thorny" kind) which
> was "hardened" into *t in such branches as Celtic, Germanic and Greek,
> but which fell together with the fricative reflex of *dH in the ancestor
> of Latin, yielding -d- in intervocalic positions: *-eþo-s > *-eðos >
> -idus ...

The same perhaps in *nogWeþo- > Lat. nu:dus vs. PGmc.
*nakwVða-/*nakwVþa- and Celtic forms with *-t-.

Piotr