1. *g'heim > dimen/dimër `winter', but prefixed form <mër-dhij> `to
get cold' < *mër-g'him-yo (cf. mër-dhez `to blush, flush' vs.
ndez `to light, to kindle' < *n-dogW-ényo, besides *degW- > djeg `to
burn')
2. *g'he:s-ro > dorë `hand', but prefixed form n-g'hes > ngjesh `to
press, compress' (cf. Romanian inghesiu `id.')
3. * (dh)g'h(y)es > dje `yesterday'
4, * g'emh1-`to marry'>g'm.H1-eh2 >damës >dasmë `wedding' (cf. gjymës
> gjysmë `half'; Lat. semi- `id.', Gr. hemi-`id.').
5. * g'enu-, suffixed o-grade form *g'onu-a: `jawbone, chin' >
dana/darë
6. *g'heh1- > g'he:-`to release, let go'. Prefixed forms sh-g'he:ényo
> shkonj `go', trashëgoj `inherit'; mër-gonj `to migrate' (cf. also
mër-thej `to send off', besides <the qafën!> `move off')
7. *g'hos- `guest, host, stranger' >dash-a-mirë `benevolent'
Writing about Alb. verb <dhjes> `to shit', probably from PIE *k'ekW-
e, Cimochowski noticed that other verbs and adjectives, derived from
this verb, like <ndyj> `to dirt', adj. <i ndytë> `dirty, foul',
<ndot> `to dirty, to soil', due to sand'hi, they shift interdental to
dental. For this reason, he seeks the aberrant outcome of *g'(h)- > d
in Albanian, believing that this phenomenon must be also caused by
sand'hi. Indeed, in prepositional syntagma (PN), many words, like
<dorë> `hand', dimër `winter', <dje> `yesterday', dash `host',
dasmë `wedding', <dara> `pincers, nippers' are mostly used in acc.
case: në dorë > ndorë, në dimër > ndimër, deri në dje > deri ndje,
ndashta `maybe', në dasmë, ndasmë, which caused *g'(h) to be treated
as /d/, likewise of /d/ treated like /dh/ in sand'hi (cf. above
<mërdhez> `to flush, blush', due to /rd/ > /dh/ besides <ndez> `to
kindle'; <mërdhij> `to get cold', besides <dimër> `winter'.
I think that in etymological researches is very little respected and
known the phonetics' syntax or sand'hi.
I am afraid that again I wan't get any feedback.
Konushevci