From: Jens Elmegaard Rasmussen
Message: 31897
Date: 2004-04-13
> > > I don't see why some linguists reconstruct *-o:ns in the A. pl. of[JER:]
> > o-stems.
> > We do so because we find a long vowel in Sanskrit. Most of the other[MK:]
> > languages cannot show the difference. Still, I deem it reasonable to
> > derive Lith. -úos- from *-o:ns also, since it is acute.
> Yeah, but Lithuanian would point to *-oh2ns with the inserted laryngeal.You must be referring to the Leiden doctrine that acute vowels always
> ItNo, Sanskrit masc. -a:n (o-stems) vs. fem. -a:s (a:-stems) was copied as
> is not certain at all that plain long *o: would give an acute in Lith.
> Also, isn't Skr. -a:n < *-ons the same as -i:n < *-ins or -u:n < *uns?
>Some say that. I can't know if they are right. There is acute in the Greek
> > We can if *-o:ms developed differently form original *-aH2ms. The
> > combined evidence of Gothic -o:s and IIr. -a:s points to a PIE form
> > of the acc.pl. of a:-stems without the nasal. It is now commonly
> > assumed to have been lost in the prehistory of IE already, an idea
> > proposed by Stang and now often referred to as his law.
>
> Wouldn't Stang's law be disappearance of the laryngeals, *w and *y before
> final nasal? That's why there's no acute in BSl from PIE A. sg. *-eh2m?
> We can assume that *-n- was dropped already in PIE (and then laterIn that case you are not making much comparative linguistics out of the
> reappeared analogically) but that doesn't directly influence the question
> of
> A. pl. of o-stems. Also, the *-n- could have been dropped later
> independantly in Germanic and IIr and kept (regularly) in BSl, Lat and
> Greek.
> >TheSure, the nom.pl. could have taken the form of the acc.pl., and the gen.
> > confusion between nom.pl., acc.pl. and even gen.sg. in a:-stems in
> > Balto-Slavic also points in the direction of an acc.pl. without a
> > nasal,
>
> Slavic clearly points to a nasal (palatal ending -e). We need not suppose
> that in A. pl. also *-a:s (as in G. sg. and N. pl) and not *-a:ns. If we
> had
> G. *-a:s, n. *-a:s and a. (regularly) *-a:ns, after *-a:s > *-a: (= N.
> sg)
> that could also result with N. pl. taking the A. pl. ending and then G.
> sg.
> taking N. pl. ending (because they were the same before).
>You are so right.
> > We have a few instances of */aHNC/ in IIr. which come out as /aaC/,
> > e.g. váata- 'wind', Av. må /maah/ 'month' (from *meH1-n.s). That
> > does not point to merger of *-eH2ns and *-o:ns in that branch.
>
> OK. That I didn't know. Thanks.
> I am just looking at all possibilities, I am not saying that o-stem A.
> pl.
> *-o:ns is not also possible. It just depends what approach will you take,
> there is more than one way of handling this.
> In BSl maybe we have *-aHs : *-o(:)ns > *-aHns : *-oHns > Lith. -a`s :Interesting thought.
> -u`s
> and Slavic *-aHns > -y, -e. The a-stems would take the *-n- from o-stems
> and
> the o-stems would take the *-H- from a-stems. If we assume *-aHns :
> *-o(:)ns
> it would just take analogical spread of *-H- to o-stems.