Maybe I am getting crazy, but I am too much convinced that in Proto-
Albanian was characteristic, as in Illyrian, the shift not only of
labiovelar /kW/ in (p/s/k) as in Greek (p,t,k), /gW/ > (b/d/g) (cf.
Ulkiana = Ulpiana and many other examples), but also the shift of
plane palatal /k'/ in (b/th/s), as in Gothic /gW/ > (b/g) For that
reason, I am going to give some examples, where, to my view, this
phenomenon is present, but with the request to get some feedbacks,
especially from Mr. Rasmussen, Mr. Vidal, Mr. Gasiarowski and all
other members. We are aware too that aspirated palatal *g'h yields in
many cases /d/, so I can't see any reason why in some cases unvoiced
palatal /k'/ to not yields /b/, as yilds velar /k/, followed by /t/
in many latin loans /f/ < /p/: cotoneum > ftue/ftua 'quince',
probably from <ptue, lucta > luftë < lupta 'fight, war', etc.
1. PIE *k'el- `to be prominent, hill'. O-grade form *k'ol-i >
ballë `forehead, hill' (cf. Sl. c^elo `id.').
2. *k'er- `horn'. Suffixed zero-grade form *k'r.-nu >
brin/brir `horn', <brisk> `razor', <brinjë> `rib', extended suffixed
form *k'rH1s-kaH2>breshkë `turtle', maybe also <buri> `trumpet, pipe'
loaned in Turkish as <boru> with regular evolution of /u/ > /o/ (cf.
Persian loans <dust> `friend' > dost 'id.', <kur> `blind' >
kor 'ud.', etc.).
3. *k'er- `to grow'. Suffixed o-grade form *k'or-wo > burrë `growing
man' (cf. Gr. Dioskuri, ho koros `boy', he kore: `girl').
4. *k'euH-`to swell, hole'. Suffixed zero-grade form *k'u:-raH2 >
birë `hole', *k'u:m-enyo > bymoj `to swell', etc.
5. *k'euk- `to shine, to glow'. Suffixed zero-grade form *k'uk-ro > i
bukur `beautiful, shining, joyful'.
I am aware of the etymologies given by other scholars about these
words, except the verb <bymoj> `to swell', so I will beg others to
not lost much time about what the dominant opinion exists about
certain etymologies, but how much is convinced certain etymology.
Konushevci