On Sat, 28 Jun 2003 10:06:20 +0100, Richard Wordingham
<
richard@...> wrote:
On Nostratica we've been discussing the length observed in reflexes
of PIE *wre:g^, wro:g^, whence Russian raz 'time, occasion'. The
Greek cognate is rhé:gnumi 'break'.
Richard:
Aren't there any laryngeals in the IE root?
Miguel:
Probably. My printed Pokorny is falling apart and missing the last
two pages (I have them somewhere), and I can't check the Leiden
online version (again). The other cognates were Greek, if I
remember correctly.
If the *g^ is really a *g^ and not a *g^h, then Slavic does not
require laryngeals, by Winter's Law, but quite possibly the Greek
forms (re:gnumi?) do.
Richard:
I don't know how to interpret the other Greek forms for rhé:gnumi -
2nd aorist passive erráge:n, perfect érro:ga, rhag-ás, -ádos
f. 'rent, chink', rhó:x, rho:gós f. 'cleft', rho:g-ás, -ádos f. adj.
'broken, torn', rho:galéos 'broken, torn'. To me /a/ argues for *h2
or no laryngeal, but /e:/ and /o:/ say no *h2, but my knowledge in
this field is limited.
Miguel:
Full grade *wreh1g^- > wre:g^-, o-grade (e.g. perfect) *wroh1g^- >
*wro:g^-. Zero grade *wr&1g^- > wrag^- (although in Greek one would
perhaps expect *wreg^-; the occurrence of rhag- here is an argument
for the traditional position that *&(1/2/3) all give *a, even in
Greek).
Richard:
Has anyone any further useful thoughts on the matter?
Incidentally, we seem to be very lucky to know about the w-. It
looks as though only Lesbian Greek bears it witness, unless Albanian
rrah 'strike, pound' also does.
Richard.
P.S. Leiden Pokorny is back up tonight.