From: Jens Elmegaard Rasmussen
Message: 21360
Date: 2003-04-29
>> From: Jens Elmegaard Rasmussen [mailto:jer@...]There is an ablaut in Slavic between the infinitive *jIska- (with acute on
>> Sent: Tuesday, April 29, 2003 11:50 AM
>
>> Not generally, but in a case like this one it certainly can.
>> Skt. icchaïti has zero-grade as expected in an sk-present.
>> That is certainly not the case with Lith. iïes^k-o- (older
>> -a-), Slav. is^c^e- also with acute. The short -i- of icchati
>> precludes a laryngeal, so the acute tone cannot be ascribed
>> to a prestage with "*HeyHs-"; nor can it be Winter's Law
>> since there is no voiced stop in it; it can however easily be
>> *H2e:ys-, the expected lengthened grade of *H2eys-. The
>> example is even so good as to be
>> decisive: the Dehnstufe-to-circumflex theory is simply wrong.
>>
>
> I'm not so sure. First of all, what makes you reconstruct Proto-Slavic
> *iskati rather than *jIskati (SCr.<ìskati>)? Or do you postulate an
> alternation *jIskati ~ *is^c^e-? But does SCr. <îsc'e> point to an old
> acute? As for the Baltic forms, taking into account extremely developed
> metatony, how one can be sure we deal with something original here?
> Lith. <ies^kóti> has the ictus retracted to the suffix by Saussure's
> law, which would point to an original non-acute pitch (cf. <láidoti> ~
> <léisti> etc., where the ictus is not retracted), and the accent of
> <íes^ko-> well may have been influenced by forms such as <ýs^kus>,
> <éis^kus> 'clear' (also by semantic contamination of 'seek' and
> 'explain, make clear'). One example is not enough to be decisive: IMHO,
> it takes a representative sample to be guaranteed against metatonic
> noise.