> 2. Why it's hard to believe that *d = [t'] in pre-Germanic
>
> In the earliest Celtic loans in Germanic and in a few Wanderwörter
of other origin, original /b, d, g/ ended up as PGmc. *p, *t, *k,
e.g.
>
> *ri:g- --> *ri:k- 'king'
> *du:no- --> *tu:na- 'fort, enclosure'
> *baita: (Gk. [Att.] baite:, [Dor.] baita:, believed to be a loan
from Thracian) --> *paido: 'leather coat, jerkin'
> *kanabi- (Gk. kannabis) --> *xanapi- 'hemp'
From Tagliavini Dalamazia 219; Treimer KZ LXV 88-89; Xhuvani BShkSh
VI/2 32; Pokorny I 92-193; Camaj Alb. Wortb. 133 (suffix -kë) Orel
Balcanica 114 (with unvoicing form *baita); Demiraj AE 316 - all
agree that it's Illyrian-Albanian word petk/petkë<*baita + -k(ë)
with meaning "clothes, garment". For evolution ai > e: PIE *aig >
edh "goat-kid", *ais- > ethe "fever", *aik > eth "to hold, to take
bull" or river name Er-+-en+-ik < Celt. Aire "strong river".
As we saw, we have again tight connection between Dorians and
Illyrians.
Also, according *du:no --> *tu:na 'fort, enclosure' with
meaning "house, smoke" I must mention Albanian place names with that
stem as second element: Niko-dim (cf. Nikopolis), Nero-dim-je (cf.
Neropolis), Shte-dim, Sh-tim-je, Re-tim-je, Bu-dim-je, Su-dim-je etc.
As I have mentioned before, evolution of PIE *u: > Alb. i/y is
regular in its oldest layer.
Regards,
Abdullah Konushevci