From: Miguel Carrasquer
Message: 19095
Date: 2003-02-23
>Miguel:Assuming for a moment that *swek^s was also in Anatolian, yes: the
>>Yes. I thought about tt -> tst, but there is no way of telling
>>how old this phenomenon is in relation to the possible borrowing
>>of "6" from Semitic.
>
>Actually, there is a way. The Semitic borrowings must necessarily
>have been introduced into IE during the neolithic. So, we know
>the general range to be between 6000 and 4000 BCE for *sweks and
>other such loanwords. In fact, 6000 BCE is probably more precise,
>if I do say, but you can reach your own conclusions. It must
>surely have been well enough before 4000 BCE, if this is to be the
>approximate date of the fracture of IE.
>However, the affricatization of *tC to [tsC] and *dC- to [dzC]The [ts] in the combination /tt/, /dt/ is common PIE (it's in
>would seem to date to a time after which the voiceless "fortis"
>*t: became voiced *d. I doubt that *dC- would develop as readily
>if *d were still a voiceless inaspirate. (By the way, the
>topological considerations such as a lack of **b that are used
>to prove that IE *d was in fact *t? by the Glottalic IE
>camp show that, at the very least, *d must have once been
>unvoiced in Pre-IE.)
>
>So, we can pinpoint this to the early Late IE period (approx. 5000
>to 4500 BCE). This would be a reasonable date as well because of
>the fact that this phenomenon appears to have existed in an
>as-yet-unfractured IE and yet it cannot be terribly early since
>it doesn't appear there was enough time for the affricate to
>become a distinct phoneme yet.
>In a nutshell, I really doubt that there was a dental affricateIt is likely that the t ~ s alternation passed trough a stage /t/ >
>in IE at the time when *sweks was borrowed. The dental affricate
>*c that would explain the t/s alternation would also have already
>eroded to *-s and *-t- by then. Afterall, by lacking a dental
>affricate, we can see why *ks would be used to pronounce the
>correlating Semitic phonemes of that word.
>Miguel:The plene spelling te-e-kan suggests that the source is indeed
>>But Toch. tkam. and possibly Hitt. tekan show that this *ts was
>>definitely post-PIE.
>
>Doesn't Hittite /tekan/ come from an inanimate *dHegH(o)m?
>Why can't Tocharian /tk-/ come from an affricatized *dHgH-?Tocharian A has tkam. < *dhg^hó:m and cka:car < *dhugh&2té:r, while