[tied] Morphology (14a/20)

From: Miguel Carrasquer
Message: 16501
Date: 2002-10-24

14. Consonant stems

The consonant stems can be expected to behave according to the patterns
described in the previous chapter (13, supplemental), i.e. according to the
eight basic types (root-mobile, root-static, proterodynamic, amphidynamic,
PD-static, hysterodynamic, HD-static, and collective-static).

There are, however, a number of complicating factors. In the example paradigms,
the root and suffix vowels were **a or **a:, and the suffix was always light
(-(C)VC). Things look different under the following circumstances:

1. root vowel **i:
This results in Ablaut *é:/0, and AD paradigms instead of PD-static

2. root vowel **u:
This results in Ablaut *ó/0, and AD paradigms instead of PD-static.

Root vowels **i and **u are normally indistinguishable from **a, all giving *e.
A possible exception is *mú:s "mouse", where *ú remains as *ú (after labial

3. heavy suffix (for example: **-ant, **-aln)
This results in an unlengthened suffix vowel.

4. suffix vowel *i
The lengthened suffix has *e: instead of *o:.

5. suffix vowel *u
This has a peculiar effects in the oblique of PD t- and n-stems (**-út- >
*-és-, **-ún- > *-éw-).

This brings the number of theoretical declension types to 17:

1 ROOT mobile *sé:m-s, *sm-és ROOT
2 ROOT (i:-root) *k^é:r[d], *kr.d-és ROOT(i:)
3 ROOT (u:-root) *h3nóghWs, *h3n[u]ghWés ROOT(u:)
4 ROOT STATIC *pó:d-s, *péd-s ST(R)
5 PD *h2ák^-mo:n, *&2k^-mén-os PD
6 PD (i-suffix) *máh2-te:r, *m&2-tér-os PD(i)
7 AD *k^érs-&2r, *k^r.s-h2n-ós AD
8 AD (i:-root) *g^hé:s-r., *g^his-r-ós AD(i:)
9 AD (u:-root) *pónt-&-s, *pn.t-H-ós AD(u:)
10 PD STATIC *wód-r., *wéd-n-s ST(PD)
11 PD (heavy suffix) *sáh2-wl.[r], *sh2-wé[l]n-s PD(HS)
12 PD (i:/HS) [Cé:R-n.t-s, *CR-ént-s] PD(i:,HS)
13 PD (u:/HS) [CóR-n.t-s, CR-ént-s] PD(u:,HS)
14 HD *p&2-té:r, *p&2-tr-és HD
15 HD STATIC *bhráh2-tr., *bhráh2-tr.-s ST(HD)
16 COLLECTIVE *g^hi-ó:m, *g^hi-ém-s COLL
17 COLL. (i-suffix) *ukW-sé:n, *ukW-sín-s COLL(i)

In the following, I'll comment on and analyze a selection of what looked like
ancient PIE consonant stems, which I gathered from Mallory/Adams (EIEC).


1. "earth"

COLL **dhigh-á:m-x, **dhigh-a:m-ás > *dhg^hó:m, *dhg^héms
AD(i:) **dhí:gh-am, *dhi:gh-ám-âs > *dhé:ghm., *dhg^hmós

The root shapes are:
*dhg^ho(:)m-: Skt. N. ks.á:s, A. ks.á:m; Av. N. zå:, A. zaNm; Grk. khthó:n,
khthonós, Lat. humus (< *hom-os); OIr. dí, G. don; Alb. dhe
*dhg^hem-: Lith. z^e~me:, Latv. zeme, OPr. semme, OCS zemlja
*dhg^hm-: Skt. G. jmás ~ gmás ~ ks.más; Av. G. z&mo:; Hitt. G. tagnas
*dhé(:)ghm-: Hitt. NA te-e-kan

Sankrit (N. ks.á:(s), G. jmás ~ gmás ~ ks.más) and Hittite (N. te:kan, G.
tagnas) appear to have an amphydynamic inflection with oblique *dhg^h(m.)m-ós,
but a collective formation *dhg^hó:m, oblique *dhg^hém- seems to be required as
the basis for e.g. the Greek (and Sanskrit) Nom. (khthó:n, ks.á:-) and the
Balto-Slavic forms (z^em-). The Hittite NA form <te(:)kan> could be from a
non-collective AD **dhí:gh-am, **dhi:gh-ám-âs (> *dhé:g^hm., *dhg^hmós), and the
Sanskrit forms could then be derived from mixing of the two types.
Skt./Av. Acc. [secondary] dhg^hom-m > *dhg^hó:m, Loc. regularly *dhg^hém(i) in
both types.

2. "home"

ST(R) **dá:m(-z), *da:m-ás > *dóm (n.) ~ *dó:m(s) (m.), *déms

Root shapes:
*do[:]m-: Arm. tun; o-stem: Skt. dámas, Grk. dómos, Lith. nãmas; u-stem: Latin
domus, OCS domU
*dem-: Skt. pátir dán, Av. d&:ng patois^, Grk. des-póte:s (*<dems potis>), Loc.
Av. daNm(i)
*dm-: Arm. G. tan

The Armenian oblique form (tan-) points to [secondary?] oblique *dm.m-és, but
Gen. *déms is assured by the fossilized forms in Indo-Iranian (Skt. dám-pati-,
Av. d&:ng pati-) and Greek (des-pót-e:s).

3. "winter"

We have here a number of different formations:

Suffix -men(t)-:
PD **gháy-mân-z, **ghay-mán-âs > *g^héimo:n, *ghiménos
Grk. khéimo:n; OCS zima; Lith z^iemà, Latv zìma; Alb. dimën

PD(H) **gháy-mant-s, **ghay-mánt-as > *g^héimn.ts, *g^himénts
Skt. he:mantás, Hitt. gimmanz(a), Grk. kheîma

Suffix -em-:
PD **gháy-âm-z, **ghay-ám-âs > *g^héio:n, *g^hiémos
Av. zayan-, zae:n-

COLL **ghay-á:m-x, **ghay-a:m-ás > *g^hió:m, *g^hiéms
Av. zyå:, G. zimo:; Arm. jiwn G. jean, Grk. khió:n G. khiónos, Lat. hiems, G.

4. "single, self, one"

Grk. heîs (m.), hén (n.), mía (f.) (*sems, *sem, *smih2)
Arm mi, obl. mioy ~ mioj^ (*smih2)
Toch A sas, Toch B s.e (*sems)

ROOT **sám-z, **sam-ás, f. **sam-íx > *sé:m (*séms), *s(m.)més, f. *smíh2

Expected nominative m. *se:m perhaps in Av. ha:ma- "the same", Celtic
demonstrative *sin(de) < *se:m-.


5. "father"

HD **pa-xtír-z, **pa-xtir-ás > *p&2té:r, *p&2trés

The classic hysterodynamic paradigm (Npl. *p&2téres).

6. "brother"
ST(HD) **bhra:-xtír-z, **bhra:-xtir-ás > *bhráh2tr., bhráh2tr.s

Originally having the same structure as *p&2té:r, this word had a long vowel in
the initial syllable, resulting in a static paradigm. Nominative mostly
restored to *bhrá:te:r, but OCS bratrU (not +bratri).

7. "mother"
PD(i) **má-xtîr-z, **ma-xtír-âs > *máh2te:r, *m&2téros

The full vowel in the first syllable might suggest a paradigm like the one of
"brother", but assuming the base for this word is simply child language *ma-,
there is no reason for a long vowel (as opposed to *pa- with short vowel in the
"father" word). If the suffix had i-vocalism (**-xtír), we can reconstruct a PD
inflection (as opposed to HD for "father"), with expected outcome *má:te:r,
*m&téros, usually normalized to *ma:té:r, *ma:trés (but Greek still má:te:r).

8. "daughter"

HD **dhawGh-tár-s, **dhawGh-tar-ás > *dhugh-té:r, *dhugh-tr-és

This is the root *dheugh- "to draw milk" extended with the actor suffix *-tér-,
secondarily drawn into the circle of kinship terms based on *-h2ter-, resulting
in forms with a laryngeal like Skt. duhitár-, Grk. thugáte:r (with development
*dhugh-ter > *dhug-H-ter).

9. "hand"

AD(i:) **ghí:s-ar. **ghi:s-ár-âs > *ghé:sr., *g^hisrós

Alb. dorë (*g^he:sr-a:)
Lat. hi:r (< Osc-Umbr *he:r ?)
Hitt. kessar, obl. kisr-
TochA tsar, B. s.ar
Grk. kheír, kheirós
Arm. jer.n, pl. jer.-k`

Normalized oblique *g^hesrós.

10. "(wild) animal"

Grk. thé:r, the:rós
Lat. ferus (*g^hwér-os)
Lith. z^ve:rìs, Latv. zvêrs
OCS zvêrI

It is hard to reconstruct the Ablaut here, only Latin fer- (with short /e/)
perhaps suggesting g^hwé:r- obl. ghwer-. The type can either go back to:
HD **ghaw-ár-z, **ghaw-ar-ás > **g^hwé:r, g^hurés,
with restored vowel in the oblique (*g^hwerés or *g^hwe:rés), or (perhaps more
likely), a collective formation with **i-vocalism:
COLL(i:) **ghaw-í:r-x, **ghaw-i:r-ás > *g^hwé:r, *g^hwírs (normalized *g^hwérs)

11. "door"

Skt. dva:r-, dva:ram (with d- for dh-), Arm. dur.-n, pl. dur-k`, Alb. derë, Lat.
fore:s, forum, OIr, dorus, OCS dvorU, Toch B. twere all point to *dhwó(:)r-,
while the oblique form was *dhur- (Skt. acc.pl. durás, dúras, Arm obl. dr-an,
Goth. daúr, Lith durìs, OCS dvIrI). The alternation *we ~ *u is normal, so we
can reconstruct:

COLL **dhaw-á:r-x, **dhaw-a:r-ás > *dhwó:r, *dhwérs ~ *dhúrs

12. "man"

Skt. ná:, nár-, Av. na:, nar-, Arm. ayr (*a[n]ir), ar.n (*anr-és), Grk. ané:r,
andrós, Alb. njer... all from:

HD **xan-ár-z, **xan-ar-ás > *h2né:r, *&2nrés

13. "sister"

Skt. svásar-, Av. xvanghar-, Arm k`oyr (*swe[s]ur), G. k`er. (*swesr-), pl.
k`ork` (*swe[s]oresw), Lat. soror, OIr. siur, sethar (-thar from kinship terms),
We. chwaer, Goth. swistar, swistrs, Lith. sesuõ, seser~s, OCS sestra, TochA/B
s.ar/s.er. The forms point to nom. *swéso:r, obl. *swésr- (> *swestr- in
Germanic and Slavic), where the oblique is not the expected +[su]sér- of a PD
paradigm *swé-so:r, *su-sér-os. Perhaps the solution is to assume a composite
form, made of *swe- "own" and *sor- "woman" (see also *nepot-).

[composite] **swá sa:r-z, **swá sa:r-âs > *swé so:r, *swé sers > *swéso:r,

14. "actor suffix"

The actor suffix appears in two forms, a generalized static (< PD/AD/ST) form
'-to:r, '-tr.s, and a HD form *-té:r, *-trés

PD **-târ-z, **-tár-âs > *'-to:r, *-téros \
AD **-tar-z, **-tár-âs > *'-tr., *-trós |-- *-'-to:r, *-tr(o)s
ST **-tar-z, **-tár-âs > *'-tr., *'-tr.s /

HD **-tár, **-tar-ás > *-té:r, *-trés


15. "apple"

OIr. ubull, We. afal, OE aeppel, Lith óbuolas, obuoly~s, Latv. âbuol(i)s, OPr.
woble, OCS ablU-ko

PD **xáb-ûl-z, **xab-úl-âs > *h2ábo:l, *&2búlos (*&2bélos)

Long a: in the Balto-Slavic forms due to Winter's Law.

16. "salt"

Arm. aL, Grk. háls, halós, Lat. sa:l, salis, OIr. sal-ann, We hal-en, Latv.
sà:ls, OCS solI, Toch A sa:le. With -d: Arm. aLt, Goth. salt.
If Skt. sal-ilá- "Meer, Meeresflut" is not cognate, we can derive the word from
a laryngeal paradigm:

ROOT **sxál-z, *sxal-ás > *sh2á:l(s), *s&2lés

The composite form is *sali-, with other derivatives *saln-, *salm-, *salu-,
suggesting a Caland adjective (**sxal-n-) "salty", but *-d in Armenian and
Germanic remains mysterious.


17. "eagle"

There are two main variants:

Arm. oror, urur; OIr. irar, ilar, We. eryr, Lith. ere~lis, are~lis, OCS. orUlI

Grk. órni(:)s, G. orni:thos (Dor. orni:khos), Goth. ara, ON ari, Orn, OE earn,
OHG aro, aru (Gmc. *aran-), Hitt. haras, G. haranas.

The two can be related through a ln-stem, with assimilation /ln/ > /ll/ > /l/,
or /ln/ > /nn/ > /n/:

PD(HS) **xúr-aln-z, **xur-áln-as > *h3órl.s, *&3rél(e)s // *h3órn.s, *&3rén(e)s

18. "sun"

In the Auslaut, -ln > -lr, and further -ll > -l, as exemplified by:

PD(H) n. **sáx-waln, **sax-wáln-as > *sáh2wl., *sh2wéls ~ *sh2úls // *sh2wéns ~

Skt. súvar (svàr), G. sú:ras (*súh2l., *súh2los)
Av. hvar&, G. xv&:ng (< *s[h2]wéns), also G. hu:ro: (< *súh2r-os < *sh2úls)
Grk. e:élios, hé:lios, aélios, á:lios, a:wélios (*sah2well-iyos)
Lat. so:l, so:lis
We. haul, OIr. súil
Alb. (h)ül
Goth. sauil (*sah2w(e)l-) and sunno: (*sh2unn-o:n)
Lith. sáule:
OCS slUnIce < *suln-iko


19. "ox"

Skt. uks.á:, Av. uxs^an-, We ych, MIr. oss, Goth. aúhsus G.pl. aúhsne:, Toch B
okso, pointing to a paradigm:

HD **wug-sán-z, **wug-san-ás > *ukWsé:n, *ukWsnés
or perhaps:
COLL(i) **wug-sí:n-x, **wug-si:n-ás > *ukWsé:n, *ukWséns

A derivation from the root *wegW- "to make wet, sprinkle, impregnate" in the
sense of "male".

20. "dog"

Skt. s'(u)vá:, G. s'únas, Av. spa:, G.pl. su(:)nam, Arm. s^un, G. s^an, Grk.
kúo:n, kunós, Lat. canis G. canis, OIr. cú, G. con, We. ci, Goth. hunds, Lith.
s^uõ, G. s^uñs, Toch A ku, obl. kon

COLL **kaw-á:n-x, **kaw-a:n-ás > *k^wó:n, *k^wéns ~ *k^úns

Latin canis perhaps developed from a (secondary) oblique *k^wn.nés, as seen in
Arm. s^an (*k^wn.n-).

21. "name"

With NA *(&1)nó:mn. we have Skt. ná:ma, Av. na:ma, Lat. no:men, OFr. no:mia,
Hitt. la:man. Some forms seem to continue *(&1)nómn. with a short vowel (Grk.
ónoma [if not = oblique], Goth. namo:). Arm. anun can continue both. Toch A/B
ñem/ñom mst be from *(&1)né:mn-. The oblique(-derived) forms that are not
secondary after the NA also show different variants: *&1nmn.- ~ *&1numn.- in
Greek ónoma-/énuma-, OIr. ainmmN, OWe. anu, or *&1nmén-, *n.mén- in Alb. emën,
Slav. ImeN, G. Imene.

All forms (except Toch *ne:m-) can perhaps be explained from a paradigm:

AD(u:) **hnú:x-man, **hnu:x-mán-âs > *h1nóh3mn., *&1n&3mnós ~ *&1numnós

NA *(a)nó:mn. is the original NA, while short vowelled *(a)nomn. (Gmc *nam-,
perhaps Arm. *anom- > *anun-) continues the oblique form. The oblique form has
the variants *&1numnós (Grk. énuma-, perhaps OWe. anu), *&1nmn- (OIr. ainmm),
and with secondary full grade *&1nmén- (Alb. emën), *n.mén- (OCS imeN).

Perhaps Toch. *ñem- can be explained as *h1no:m- if *h1n- regularly gave
palatalized *ñ- (cf. *h3n- > labialized m- in *h3noghW- mail, Toch A maku, B

22. "pillar, post"

Only Greek (kí:o:n) and Armenian (siwn). If we reconstruct:

PD *kíh-wân-z, *kih-wán-âs > *k^íh1wo:n, *k^ih1wénos,

with a short root, the problem is why **/i/ did not become */e/ (expected
**kíhwânz > *k^éh1wo:n) in Greek (Armenian eh1 > i, so no problem there).
perhaps a paradigm *ke:wo:n, *ki:wénos was normalized to *ki:wo:n, *kiwónos.
On the other hand, the word may not have to be derived all the way back to PIE.

23. "stone"

Skt. as'man-, Av. asman-, Grk. ákmo:n, Lith. akmuõ, akmeñs, OCS kamy, kamene.
A straightforward PD paradigm.

PD **xák-mân-z, **xak-mán-âs > *h2ákmo:n, *&2k^ménos


24 "animal"

ON vitnir, Hitt. huetar G. huetnas, coll. huita:r. Perhaps Slav. ve^danec,
ve^d- "werewolf". Pointing to:

AD(i:) *xwí:dan, *xwi:dánâs, COLL. *xwidá:n-x > *h2wé:dr., *h2widnós, *h2widó:n
(normalized *h2widó:r)

25. "udder"

Skt. ú:dhar, G. u:dhnás (also s-stem ú:dhas), Grk. oûthar, oúthatos, Lat. u:ber,
u:beris, OE u:der, OCS *vymeN (*u:dh-men-)

AD *xúwh-dhan, *xuwh-dhán-âs > *h3óuh1dhr. ~ *h3úh1dhr., *h3uh1dhnós

With (except for Greek) diphthong reduction before *h1 in the NA sg. (as in the
following two items).

26. "hole"

Grk. kúar, Arm. sor, Lat. caverna, Av. su:ra-, Skt. s'ú:na-, Toch B kor.

ST(PD) **ká:wh-an, *ka:wh-án-âs > *k^óuh1r. ~ *k^úh1r., *kéuh1ns ~ *kúh1n(o)s

27. "fat"

Skt. pí:van-, f. pí:vari:, Grk. pîar, f. pí:eira (*píh1werih2)

AD n. **páyt-wan, **payt-wán-âs > *píh1wr., *pih1wnós
f. **páyt-wan ik > *peih1wérih2 > *pih1wérih2 (> *píh1werih2)

In the above analysis, the feminine suffix *-ih2 was added after -n > -r, but
while the accent shifting rule was still active. An alternative explanation
would be that the addition of *-ih2 caused vr.ddhi, resulting in:
f. **páyt-wan ik > *péih1we:rih2 > *píh1werih2
Cf. thematic forms such as *pih1werós (Grk. pi:erós), also with /e/ in the

28. "fire"

Arm. hur, hr-oy; hn-oc` "oven"; Grk. pûr, purós; Umbr. pir, ON fu:rr/fy:rr;
funi, Goth. fo:n, funins, OPr. panno, Hitt. pahhur, pahhuenas, Toch A por, B.

PD **páx-wan, **pax-wán-âs > *páh2wor, *ph2wénos ~ *ph2únos (analogical
*ph2ur-, *puh2r-)
COLL. **pax-wá:n-x > *ph2wó:n (analogical *ph2wó:r)

29. "head"

Lat. cerebrum, ON hjarsi, OHG hirni, Grk. kra:nión, Hitt., harshar, harshanas,
Av. sarah-, Skt. s'íras- G. s'i:rs.n.ás.

AD **kárx-san, **karx-sán-âs > *k^érh2sr, *k^r&2snós

30. "house"

Hitt. pi:r, parnas, Luw. parna-.

AD(i:) **pí:r-an, pi:r-án-âs > *pé:r(r), *pr.nós

Attested in Anatolian only.

31. "spring (season)"

OIr. errach (*wesr-a:ko-), OWe. guiannuin (*wesn.t-eino-), Lat. ve:r (*wesr-),
Lith. vãsara (*woser-?), OCS vesna (*wesn-), Grk. éar (*wesr.), Arm. garun
(*wesr.-ont-), Skt. vasantá- (*wesent-)

The original oblique form (we would expect *usen(t)-) of this word does not seem
to be attested.

PD(HS) **wás-ant, **was-ánt-as > *wésr.(t), *usén(t)s

Perhaps (under influence of *h1ósr "autumn"?) there was an alternative paradigm:

ST(PD) **wá:s[x]-ant, **wa:s[x]-ánt-as > *wós[&2]r.(t), *wés[&2]n(t)s,

which would explain Balto-Slavic Lith. vãsara (NA *wós[a]r-), Slav. vesn- (obl.
*wés[a]n-). On the other hand, the Balto-Slavic forms of the "autumn"-word
(OPr. assanis, Slav. jesenI) show no trace of NA *h1ósr..

32. "autumn"

Slav. jesenI, Grk. op-o:re: (< *op-osr.-ah2), Goth. asans, OPr. assanis.

ST(PD) **ha:sx-an(t), **ha:sx-án(t)-âs > *h1ós&2r(t), *h1és&2n.(t)s

33. "well, spring"

Arm. aLbiwr, aLber Grk. phréa:r, -a:tos, Goth. brunna

AD **bhráhu-an, **bhrahu-án-âs > *bhréh1wr., *bhrh1unós

Root ends in -u.

34. "water"

Skt. G. udnás, L. udán(i), pl. udá:
Grk. húdo:r, húdatos
Umbr. utur (*udo:r)
Lat. unda
OIr. uisce (*ud-eskio-)
Goth. wato:
ON vatn, vatr
Lith. vanduõ, vandeñs
Latv. ûdens
OCS voda
Arm. get (< *wedo:r?)
Hitt. wa:tar, wetenas, pl. wita:r

A merger of two paradigms:

ST(PD) **wá:d-an, **wa:-dán-âs > *wódr., *wédn.s
COLL **wad-á:n-x, **wad-a:n-ás > *udó:n/*udó:r, *udéns,

best preserved in Hittite (*wódr, *wédnos, *wedó:r). The collective paradigm is
preserved in Skt., Grk., Latv., Umbr., perhaps Arm. Germanic mainly continues
the non-collective forms (but Goth. wato: < *wodo:n is a mixed form). Slavic
voda is peculiar, because it does not show Winter's law [we would expect +vada
(*wodo:[r]) or +vyda (*udo:[r]), as in vydra "otter"]. Perhaps the original
form was *wondo:, as in Lithuanian?

35. "wing"

Skt. patará-, Arm. t`ir, Lat. -piter, penna (*petna:), (O)We. eterin, pl. atar;
edu; adaf, OIr. én; ette, Hitt. pattar, paddanas, OCS pero

HD **pat-án, **pat-an-ás > *ptér, *p(e)tnés

There are also (collective?) forms *pter-[u/a]h2-z, *petn.-g- (Grk. ptérux, OHG
fed(e)rah, Skt. pataga-).

36. "blood"

Skt. asr.k, asnás, Arm. ariwn (*esr.-io:n ?), , Grk. éar, OLat. asser, Lat.
sanguis G. sanguinis, Latv. asins, TochA ysa:r, Hitt. e:shar, eshanas

AD **hásx-ung, **hasx-úng-âs > *h1és&2r.(gW), *&1s&2n(gW)ós

Latin sanguis (*[&1]sh2ángW-en-) is an n-stem derivative of the simplex.

37. "liver"

Skt. yákr.t, yaknás, Pers. j^igar, Av. ya:kar&, Grk. hê:par, -atos, Lat iecur,
iecinoris ~ iecoris, Lith jãknos, jeknos, Latv. aknas, OPr. iagno, Arm. leard,
OE lifer.

AD(i:) **lí:pu-an-t, **li:pu-án[t]-as > *yé:kWr.(t), **yikWnés

Stem ends in -u.

38. "sinew"

Lat. nervus, Grk. neûron, Arm. neard, Av. sna:var&, Skt. sna:van-, Toch B s.ñor.
I see no reason to postulate a laryngeal:

AD(i:) **sní:-wan-t, **sni:-wán[t]-âs > *sné:wr.t, *sniwnós (*snewnós)


The following are usually analyzed as i-stems, but I believe them to be in fact
stems ending in unaccented unlengthened **-in(z), giving n. **-ñ > *-i, m.
**-n~z > *-is.

39. "bone"

Skt. asthi, asthnás, Av. ast-, asti-, Grk. ostéon, Alb. asht(ë), Lat. os, ossis,
MWe assen pl. eis (*asti:), Hitt. hasta:i-. With *q-: Lat. costa, Slav kostI

ST(PD) **xá:s-tkin, **xa:s-tkín-âs > *h2ósth2i, *h2ásth2n(o)s
**qá:s-tkin, **qa:s-tkín-âs > *kósth2i, *késth2n(o)s

Besides this, we have *h2óstr.k, *h2ástn.k/g- (**xá:stink- with metathesis?) >
Arm. oskr, Grk. óstrak-on, ostak-ós, astrág-alos We. asgwrn.

40. "eye"

Another word with this mysterious suffix *-tkin may be:

AD(u:) **xú:k-tkin-z, *xu:k-tkín-âs > h3ókWth2ñs = h3ókWthis, *&3kWthn(~)ós

Skt. aks.i, aks.n.ás (*ákthi, *akthnás), Av. pl. as^i (*axs^i:), Arm. n-stem
akn, akan, Grk. ophthalmós (*okWth- ?), Germ. n-stem *agwán- > *augan- > Goth.
augo:, OE e:age, Slav. s-stem oko, oc^esa.

Besides this, we have forms derived from unsuffixed *h3ókW-, *&3kW-, especially
in the dual or with the meaning "face", e.g. Skt. práti:ka-, áni:ka- (-*h3kW-),
Arm. pl. ac`-k` (= du. *h3(o)kW-i:), Grk. o:ps (*h3ókW-s), omma (*okW-mn.), pl.
(= du.) osse (*h3ókW-ye), Lat. oculus (diminutive), -o:x (fero:x, atro:x), Lith.
akìs du. akì, Slav. du. oc^i, Toch A ak.

41. "lord"

Skt. páti, G. pátyur, f. pátni:, Av. paiti- f. paTni:, Grk. pósis, f. pótnia,
Lat. potis; hos-pes, hos-pitis, Goth. -faTs, Lith. pàts (patis), f. patì, Toch
A. pats.

ST(PD) **pá:t-in-z, **pa:t-ín-âs > *pótñs -> *pótis, **pétñs
f. **pá:t-in-ik > *pótn(~)ih2

The word has usually been normalized as an i-stem (but still an irreular one in
Skt.: G. pátyur (páte:s), D. pátye: (pátaye:), L. pátya:u (páta:u), I. pátya:
(pátina:)), but the short vowel in Skt. páti, Av. paiti- (Brugmann's law would
require *póti- > +pa:ti-) suggests a closed syllable, as we indeed have in the
feminine *potnih2. The best candidate is *ñ, vocalized to *i. Expected *pet-
in the oblique seems to have been replaced by *pot- everywhere (not sure about
Latin hospes, hospitis). Possible Slavic cognates are problematical (gos-podI
with *dh?, pan, f. pani with *d?).


The next category is usually classified within the u-stems, but again there is
reason to believe we are dealing with *n-stems.

42. "knee"

Skt. ja:nu, du. já:nuni:, Arm cunr, pl. cungk` (*g^onw-), Grk. gónu G. gounós,
goúnatos (*g^onwn.tos), Lat. genu:, -u:s, Goth. kniu, Toch A. du. kanwem., B du.
keni:ne, Hitt. genu.

ST(PD) **gá:n-un, **ga:n-ún-âs > *g^ónur, *g^énw(o)s

Accented **ú labialized *n to *mW > *w, giving first **gá:nun, **ga:núwâs, then
*g^ónur, *g^enéwos and finally *g^ónu(r), *g^énw(o)s. Plural *gá:nunh2 >
*g^ónu:nh2 > *g^ónu:h2, dual *gá:nunih1 > *g^ónuni: (= Skt. já:nuni:).
Latin and Hittite have generalized the oblique stem *g^enu-.

43. "cattle"

Skt. pás'u G. pas'vás, Av. pasu, Lat. pecu:, -u:s (also: s-stem pecoris, d-stem
pecudis), deriv. pecu:nia, Goth. faihu, Lith. pekus, Arm. asr, G. asu

PD/u-stem **pák-ûn, **pak-ún-âs > *pék^wo(r), *p(e)k^wós

Instead of expected NAsg. *pékwo(r), we find *péku(r). Armenian asr still shows
the -r, but attached to the oblique stem *p[&]ku-.

44. "tear"

Grk. dákru, dákruon, dákru:ma, Lat lacruma, dacruma, lacrima, OIr. dér, Goth.
tagr, OHG zahar, Arm. artawsr (*drak^ur), pl. artasuk`, Skt. as'ru-, Lith.
as^arà, ãs^ara, Hitt. ishahru (*s-h2ak^ru-), Toch A a:kär, B pl. akru:na

AD **h2ákr-un, **h2akr-ún-âs > *h2ák^ru(r), *h2ak^rwós

Initial *d- probably best explained as misanalyis of *tod h2ak^ru(r) -> *tod

45. "tree"

Skt. da:ru, G. drún.as L. da:run.i, dró:s, deriv. da:run.á-, dru-, Grk. dóru, G.
*dorwós > dourós, douratos; drûs, druós; n.pl. drumá "forest", Alb. dru, We.
derwen, OIr. daur G. daro, Goth. triu, OCS drêvo (*derwo-), Hitt. taru, TochAB

There are perhaps three different formations:

ST(PD) **dá:r-un, **da:r-ún-âs > *dóru(r), *dérw(o)s
PD **dár-ûn, **dar-ún-âs > *dérwo(r), *dréwos (or: *drúnos)
COLL **dar-ú:, *dar-u:-ás > *drú:(s), *drwés/*drús

46. "high"

Skt. br.hánt-, Arm. barjr, Toch A pärkär etc.

AD *bhárgh-un, **bhargh-ún-âs > *bhérghu(r), *bhr.g^hwós (> u-stem)
pl. *bhárgh-un-es > *bherg^hunes

The Armenian paradigm (based on oblique stem barj- < *bhr.g^h-) is:
NA barj-r
obl barj-u
Npl barj-unk`,

reflecting *bhérg^hur, *bhr.g^hwós, *bhérg^hunes. The animate nom. sg.
**bhárghunz should have given *bhérghus (e.g. Hitt. parkus).


47. "bright"

An extremely ancient linguistic layer is reflected by "Caland" adjectives.
These must have originally been roots extended with adjectival **-nV. When
final vowels dropped, the quality of the vowel was transferred to the preceding
consonant, resulting in this case in *-n, *-ñ and *-nW. This later results in
the Caland system, as follows:

Erg. ***xárg-n-u > **xárgnW > *h2árgu-, *h2(a)rg-m-ós
Abs. ***xárg-n-a > **xárgn > *h2(a)rgr-ós
Gen. ***xárg-n-i > **xárgn^ > *h2árgi-

As adjectives, these forms were largely thematized, resulting in the Caland
forms *-mos and *-ros, while the former genitive (*-i) was retained in compounds
and in the comparative. There generally seems to be little difference in
function between *-mos and *-ros, e.g. Skt. tig-má- "spitzig, scharf" vs. Av.
tiGra- "spitz", but perhaps a more careful study of the material might reveal
whether *-mos carries a more "active" and *-ros a more "passive" shade of
meaning. The use of *-i in compounds and in the comparative degree of course
fits very well with an origin in the genitive.


48. "tooth"

A collective formation from the verbal root *h1ed- "to eat, *to bite":

COLL **had-á:nt-s, *had-a:nt-ás > *h1dónts, *h1dénts

Skt. dánt-, Arm. atamn, Grk. odó:n, Lith. dantìs, Goth. tunTus, Lat de:ns,
dentis, We dant.

49 "ptc. praes."

There are two types: proterodynamic (heavy suffix) and hysterodynamic:

HD *-ánt-s, *-ant-ás > *-énts, *-n.t-és
AD(H) *-ant-s, *-ánt-as > *-n.t(s), *-n.t-és

Skt. -án/-at, -atás; Grk. -o:n/-éis, -ontos/-éntos, Lat. -e:ns, -entis/-untis

I can for the most part agree with Beekes' analysis (p. 179):

"Here, too, Greek introduced -o:n, but only in verbs that had the stress on the
stem (in contrast to -éis < *-énts). Latin is important here: -e:ns (e: is
secondary lengthening) might derive from -ents, but ie:ns, euntis "going" has
-ont- in the accusative, and a nominative with -e- with an accusative with -o-
is in conflict with everything else that we know. The nominative must then have
had -nt(s). This also explains the strange fact that the neuter has the same
form (-e:ns) as the masculine: in the neuter we expect -nt; the forms were thus
identical, and when the masculine form acquired an -s, the neuter acquired it as

[as this is getting too long, s-stems and labial/dental/velar-stems are
postponed to part 14b]

Miguel Carrasquer Vidal