Pre-Germanic voiceless stops (*p, *t, *k) remain voiceless if
initial or immediately preceded by a stressed syllable, or forming a cluster
with another voiceless obstruent (e.g. *ks, *ps, *pt); otherwise they
become breathy-voiced (> *bH, *dH, *gH). Under the same conditions
pre-Germanic *s > *z.
The
problem here is that we turn the neat and parsimonious formulation of VL into a
disjunctive statement: instead of applying to a natural class of segments
(voiceless fricatives) and modifying them in the same way (voicing), RVL has to
handle voiceless stops and *s separately. In fact, VL breaks down into two
independent changes that mysteriously happen to operate in the same non-trivial
environment.
One can try to eliminate this particular hitch e.g. by positing *s
> *zH (different from plain [z]) instead of simple voicing (voiceless
obstruent > breathy-voiced obstruent), with the subsequent change of *zH >
*z by "generalised" GL, but introducing an otherwise unknown "transitional"
phoneme completely ad hoc, just to force a preconceived idea, is also
inelegant. Besides, I have yet to see /t/ "lenited" to /dH/ before I
believe that such a process is possible, while the voicing of intersonorant
fricatives is one of the most natural types of lenition.
In brief,
if VL is ordered chronologically after GL and is for the most part fed by it
(that is, applies to the outcome of GL), we get a simple and natural
generalisation, while the ordering of RVL before GL leaves us with a less
natural-looking process and makes us resort to fishy formal tricks in order to
maintain the same level of generalisation. In such cases linguists do not
hesitate to prefer the more elegant solution.
Pre-Germanic *wúlkW-o- and *wulkW-í:- were independent lexemes and the
irregular change of *kW > p (or *xw > *f after GL) need not have
affected both of them. It would be naive to argue that whatever happens
to the he-wolf must happen to the she-wolf (or the other way over) by
analogy. Old English had masculine <fox> and feminine <fyxe> (ME
fixen), transparently related at that time; now we have standard English
<fox> and <vixen>, the latter -- _only_ the latter -- showing
sporadic (West Country) voicing.
Piotr
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Sunday, December 16, 2001 8:58 PM
Subject: Re: [tied] Grimm and Verner
Good day, Piotr and all.
Piotr wrote:
(2)
VERNER'S LAW
A
voiceless fricative (*f, *þ, *x or *s) remains voiceless if it is initial or
immediately preceded by a stressed vowel, or if it forms a cluster with another
voiceless obstruent (e.g. *xs, *fs, *ft); otherwise it becomes
voiced:
This is the classical
formulation of the law and the one I've been taught myself. It implies that this
voicing phenomenon took place after the operation of Grimm's law. However, I
remember reading in P. Ramat's _Einfuehrung in das Germanische_ that there is a
new theory proposing that Verner's law is an independent lenition process
predating Grimm's law. This seems quite uneconomic to me, but then I think of
Old Norse _ylgr_ "she-wolf" where the voicing of IE *kW seems to have taken
place before the *kW > *p (> *f) shift. I'd like to know your opinion
about it.
Thanks in
advance,
G.
P.