> Yes, You have greatly helped me; thank You very much indeed!
> So, it's quite a full paper, but maybe most of the entry is made of
> lexical evidence from Modern Languages. Still, what remains by no way
> clear is the diachronic phonological reason for */k/ > /g/ and whether
> the loan sequence is Sorothaptic > Celtic > Latin or Sorothaptic >
> Latin beside Celtic.
> I think these questions are relevant to the list and don't run the
> risk to violate any Rule of Proper Conduct on Cybalist
> 2012/8/1, Ton Sales <ton.sales@...>:
>> Coromines puts /gladi, gladiada, gladiador, gladiatori, gladiol,
>> gladiola, glai/ and /glaia/ in their right alphabetical place, in a
>> single line in vol. 4, page 521, where the reader is redirected to the
>> /esglaiar/ entry, which can be found in vol. 3 p. 583 and runs through
>> more than three packed pages. He derives it from colloquial Classic
>> Latin /gladius, /which he says is adopted from Celtic, during the Gallic
>> invasions of Italy, meaning a weapon for slaughtering humans and also
>> the associated mortal terror the Catalan and Occitan verb still
>> conserves. Towards the end of the article, on p. 586, he states that,
>> assuming a "Sorotaptic" (ie. /Urnenfelder/) origin, the Celtic word may
>> directly derive from *kláuiios (first u and second i semivocalic), a
>> near relative of OldPruss /kalabian/ 'sword', that Uhlenbeck relates to
>> Skr/karava:lah/. Then he asserts that a convincing IE etymology for the
>> Baltic /kalavějas/ may be the root found in Lith./k//á//lti/ 'strike'
>> (cf. Pok. IEW 546), a root from which the following also derive: Celt.
>> /kladios /'sword', Lat. /clades /'slaughter' and, with a /wo/
>> enlargement, Lith. /kalvis/ 'smith' and Lat /clava/.
>> I hope this will help.
>> Ton Sales (Barcelona)