From: stlatos
Message: 68557
Date: 2012-02-14
>In her idea it wasn't *st&2tlo- > *st&2tHlo- but *stah2tlo- > *stah2tHlo- > *statHlo- , as previously discussed.
>
>
> --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Piotr Gasiorowski <gpiotr@> wrote:
> >
> > W dniu 2012-02-13 22:03, dgkilday57 pisze:
> >
> > > since she effectively posits her *-tH- from
> > > *-&1/2t- falling together with *-dH- in Proto-Italic.
> >
> > In Olsen's scheme, *st&2tós has a syllabic allophone of *h2; at any
> > rate, it doesn't follow a vowel or a syllabic sonorant, which I think is
> > the required condition. Therefore, Olsen does not predict *stadus
> > instead of <status>
>
> My botched point was to compare <status> with <stabulum>. Goose and gander, unless having two consonants after the laryngeal in the alleged protoform *st&2tlo- is supposed to matter. In that case we still have <statio:> with two following consonants (*st&2tjon-, *st&2tjo:n(s), whatever, I am unsure of the original suffix-ablaut).
> > If you are interested in her full argument (which won me over), I haveThose forms show nothing about *-dHlo-. For example, the Greek shows no ev. for dh not th.
> > to refer you to her own work:
> >
> > Olsen, Birgit Anette. 1988. The Proto-Indo-European Instrument Noun
> > Suffix *-tlom and its Variants. Copenhagen: Royal Danish Academy of
> > Sciences and Letters.
> >
> > -- 2008. "How many suffixes did Proto-Indo-European have?". In Jens
> > Elmegård Rasmussen and Thomas Olander (eds.), Internal Reconstruction in
> > Indo-European: Methods, Results, and Problems, Copenhagen: Museum
> > Tusculanum Press, 187-204.
>
> I will look for these. In the meantime, Greek <stathmo's> 'stall' and Germanic *sto:d- 'stood' (and most likely Oscan <Staf[ii]anam> acc. sg. fem. 'Stabian, leading to Stabiae') show that the 'stand' root could be extended by *-dH-, so that those who object to *-dHlo- as a productive PIE suffix could simply segment the protoform of <stabulum> as *st&2dH-lo' (or as I prefer with *h4).
>