--- In
cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "Andrew Jarrette" <anjarrette@...>
wrote:
> --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "Brian M. Scott" <BMScott@> wrote:
[...]
>> According to Ringe, citing Weiss, the contrast between
>> velars and labiovelars cannot be reconstructed before *w,
>> *u, or *u:. He also notes that *KW > *K in the development
>> from PIE to PGmc.
> Surely you mean *KW > *K before *u or *u:?
Oops. Sorry about that; I've been rather badly under the weather
for a week and forgot to finish the sentence. What he actually
says is 'next to *u'. Since *-KWu(:)- isn't reconstructed for PIE,
about the only source of Pre-PGmc. *-KWu- is PIE *-KWR-, where *R
is a syllabic resonant. He gives one probable example in which
Pre-PGmc. *u precedes the labiovelar:
(post-)PIE *bHruhgW- 'use, enjoy' (cf. Lat. frui: < *fru:vi:,
participle <fructus>) > *bHru:gW- > PGmc. *bru:kanã (cf. OE
bru:can, OHG bru:hhan; Goth. bru:kjan has been remodeled on
the basis of the verb's weak past).
He also notes that *KW is delabialized after *un, e.g., PIE
*dng^Hwéh2 'tongue'> *dungHwa:- > *dungWHa:- > *dungHa:- > PGmc.
*tungo:n- (remodeled as an n-stem).
Brian