From: fournet.arnaud
Message: 53140
Date: 2008-02-14
> >> There is a Finnish <ahku> that I've seen glossed asDansk etymologisk ordbog:
> >> 'Asche' and as 'ash ball' that looks like a borrowing of
> >> PGmc. *asko:n, and an <ahjo> 'forge' from PGmc. *asjo:n
> >> 'forge' (ON <esja> 'Schieferart, Seifenstein zum
> >> Schmieden benutzt'), both from *h2as- 'to burn, to glow'.
> >> If <kaski> belongs here at all, it seems to me that itThis is a different *(h)aus-, I thought it might be interesting
> >> must be from a substantially older layer of borrowing.
>
> > On account of Finnish regular -s- > h
> > and irregular maintenance of -s- > -s-
>
> > I would say that kaski must be
> > a Finnish *recent* loanword.
> > not an older layer.
>
> I'm not convinced that it belongs here at all, but if it
> does, it can't be recent: there's no source for the initial
> /k/.
>
> > It does not look like a pre-Saami word
> > listed by Ante Aikio.
>
> > Maybe *kaw "burn" could be a better source
> > that *H2as-
>
> I presume that this is Watkins' *ka:u-/*ka:w- < *kah2u-.
>
> > *kaw-s-k- => kask-
> > Cf. Greek kau-s-tos
>
> > Is there Baltic reflexes for *kaw ?
>
> Pokorny thought so: Lith. <ku:léti> 'brandig werden, vom
> Getreide', <ku:le~> 'Getreidebrand'.