From: Sean Whalen
> On 2007-06-11 02:00, stlatos wrote:What if h2 hadn't been deleted yet?
> > Wouldn't the tx>tHx>tH remove it from undergoing
> tt>ss? How do you
> > know what features or sounds block the rule ahead
> of time?
> I don't know of any independent evidence of *th2
> behaving differently
> from *t in Germanic.
> > *gWhrendh+ti+ > *gWrinsti+ > OE gríst 'grinding'How? Why?
> See below.
> > *prix+ > friþ 'peace', frist- / first 'truce,
> > *bhondh-xY-to+ 'binding (place), stall' > Goth
> bansts 'barn', ON báss
> > 'cow-stall"
> > *drou+dhxY,t()+ 'putting trust/confidence in' >
> *trausta- may well contain *-sth2-o- as the second
> The primaryWell, the primary is not always the best ev. for the
> meaning of <frist ~ first> in OE is not 'truce,
> etc.' but 'specified
> period of time, deadline', and *pres-sth2-o/i-
> 'standing before'
> accounts for the Germanic forms (cf. Skt.
> Goth. banstsI think it shows that st and ts>ss could vary,
> shows a /t/, but ON báss, OE bo:s(-ig), MLG banse,
> MDu. bo:s don't,
> which throws suspicion on PGmc. *-st- rather than
> *-s- in *Bansaz ~
> Banso:, whatever its etymology.
> > That doesn't seem to work for *ksom+dhxY,to+ >Forms with and without h1 appear independent of
> *kondhto+ > *xanssa+
> >> ho:s.
> It does not apply here. When *-dH&1to- occurred as
> the second element of
> the compound, the schwa was not vocalised, and
> possibly deleted already
> in PIE. This loss in practically regular, and
> closely connected with the
> rule that turns *newo-g^nh1-o- into *newog^no- (Gk.
> > So, you now believe tt>st independent of PIEWell, I evaluate it as: are there any examples of
> rules, but you're using
> > this to argue against my version by placing it
> after a supposed *tst>ss?
> I don't "believe" it. I consider such a possibility.
> If *[tst] is PIE
> and *ss "Western IE", the loss of a vocalised
> laryngeal reflex in *-t&t-
> may have produced a new *tt cluster handled
> differently (at least in
> Gmc.) from inherited *tst but similarly to *pt, *kt
> > *ft, xt. This may
> also apply to a few specifically Germanic formations
> with the full grade
> of the root plus the *-ti- suffix, like *xaisti-
> (Eng. (be)hest) from
> *xait- and *Grinsti- from *GrinD-.