Re: [tied] Re: On the ordering of some PIE rules

--- Piotr Gasiorowski <gpiotr@...> wrote:

> It my be useful to round up examples, actual or
> apparent, of *tt > *st
> in Germanic.
>
> (1) As far as I can see, *-t-tro- yields Gmc.
> *-stra-, which is
> reminiscent of the Latin treatment of the same
> sequence:
>
> *Blo:stra- 'offering' from *Blo:t-a/i- '(kill for a)
> sacrifice'
> *Gelstra- 'tax' from *GelD-a/i- 'yield, pay'
>
> (2) 2sg. pret. & pret.-pres.:
>
> *waist(a) < *woid-th2a
> *warst(a) < *(we-)wort-th2a
>
> etc.
>
> This is in all likelihood analogical, since the *t,
> expected after all
> non-coronal obstruents and PIE *s, is generalised
> also elsewhere, as in
> *kWamt(a) < *(gWe-)gWom-th2a, where it _must_ be
> analogical/

Why would T-th > ss? Didn't you already agree that
rT-t might not > rss?

From OE hyrst, rúst, wrist, frist, þríst, gríst; ON
þrysta, traust; etc; I'd say that Tt>st>s.t. after r.
whether directly or not (all PIE s>s. beforehand),
preventing st>ts>ss.

> (3) In isolated words:
>
> *ru(:)sta- 'rust' (if from *h1rudH-to-), and a few
> i-stems like *xlasti-
> 'load' (the verb is *xlaT-a/i-). Only *ru(:)sta-
> goes back to a securely
> reconstructed PIE root, but the actual derivation is
> unclear, the vowel
> quantity is puzzling, and since *h1reudH- appears
> quite often with an
> *-s- extension, the reconstruction *h1rudH-to- is
> not all that compelling.

I'd say probably:

late PIE *xYrudhro+to+s > *xYrurdhtos > *rurstaz then
dissimilation.





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