Re: [tied] *pYerkW+

--- Piotr Gasiorowski <gpiotr@...> wrote:

> On 2007-05-19 07:24, Sean Whalen wrote:
>
> > I don't believe the -wos/ous distinction came from
> a
> > dif. in light vs. heavy in PIE. The form of the
> gen.
> > was unpredictable from looking at the stem; it
> came
> > from older nom. in either -us or -eus ( > -us).
> >
> > medhu+s . medhu+'s . sunYeu+s . sunYeu+'s
> > medhu+s . medhu+'s . sunYeu+s . sunYéu+s
> > medhu+s . medhu+ós . sunYeu+s . sunYóu+s
> > medhu+s . medhw+ós . sunYeu+s . sunYóu+s
> > medhu+s . medhw+ós . sunYu+s .. sunYóu+s
>
> The orthodox reconstruction of the 'son' word is
> *suh1nu-s

Analogy can add a "laryngeal" from *suX+ 'beget' to
son if it didn't have it originally. Why would the X
be lost in some branches?

> > Why would *w be in an r/n-stem when the root you
> > suggest is *kYerx+? Shouldn't that be *kYerxr,
> and so
> > be unable to >> keraunós even if it existed?
>
> It's the root of Ved. s'rna:ti 'kill, crush',
> possibly underlying also
> the 'horn' word (an animal's "weapon"). Whatever its
> origin,
> heteroclitic *-wr./*-w(e)n- functioned as a unitary
> suffix, as e.g. in
> *h2arh3-wr./*h2r.h3-wén- > OIr. arbor 'corn', Gk.
> eidar, -atos 'food' (<
> *h1ed-wr./n-) and many others, especially in
> Hittite.

If so, where does keraunos come from? Why not
*kYerxwr, / kYr,xwen+ > *ker(a)war / *kra:wen+ >
*ker(a)waros or similar?

Do you believe in a Slavic reconstruction like
*Peraunos? Doesn't keraunos seem a little too close
to be from another root with a less specific meaning?
If borrowed it would be from a language like Slavic
but with It-C ~ p-kW > kW-kW.





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