>
> 3sg. har-ni-ik-zi, 3pl. har-ni-in-kán-zi, says Oettinger.
> He transcribes that as harnegzi, harnenganzi, in class with
> legzi, lenganzi, 'teilweise ... ausgeglichen ... zu'
> lengzi, lenganzi
>
> Interesting. n-infix only in the plural, as I said.
>
>
> > I suppose the -nin- in the plural stem (harninkanzi) arose as
> > a hybrid between harnik- and *har(a)nk-anzi.
>
> Nono. This is how it works:
> hargti, harngenti
(actually, it's har-ti)
> (some bozo thinks -ng- is a stem extension) ->
> harnegti, harngenti (cf Skt. yunákti, yunjánti) ->
> harnegti, harnengenti
from Burrow: "The Sanskrit Language"
on the tudáti class (VI), p 330
"
A fairly common sub-class here is formed by roots taking an infixed
nasal: siñcáti 'sprinkles ', muñcáti 'releases', vindáti 'finds',
kr.ntáti 'cuts', lumpáti 'breaks', limpáti 'smears'. Some are obvious
transfers from the seventh [n-infix] class, e.g. undáti, yuñjáti
beside unátti, yunákti, and it is possible that the whole series arose
in this way.
"
Or, more Hittitico:
*séikW-ti, *sinkW-énti
*méuk-ti, *munk-énti
*wéid-ti, *wind-énti (Skt. vétti, vidánti < *wid-énti "know")
*kért-ti, *kr.nt-énti
*réup-ti, *rump-énti
*leip-ti, *limp-énti
*wéd-ti, *und-énti
*yéug-ti, *yung-énti
(older:
*sí:kW-ti, *sinkW-ánti
*mú:k-ti, *munk-ánti
*wi:d-ti, *wind-ánti
*kárt-ti, *kr.nt-ánti
*rú:p-ti, *rump-ánti
*lí:p-ti, *limp-ánti
*wád-ti, *und-ánti
*yú:g-ti, *yung-ánti)
which shows (at least in this system) that these verbs were
generalised from the 3rd pl, so probably the whole class was,
which makes sense: the athematic mobile-stressed *-toms, *-tomós
gave rise to static-stressed tómos and tomós, by generalizing
root-stressed and end-stressed forms, respectively; therefore,
in the same manner, athematic mobile-stressed verbs gave rise to
root-stressed thematic and end-stressed tudáti class verbs, by
generalization of sg. or pl. forms, respectively.
Torsten