--- In
cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Piotr Gasiorowski <gpiotr@...> wrote:
>
> On 2006-09-20 01:20, tgpedersen wrote:
>
> > *-u.gná -> *-ug.gná- -> *-ug.gá- ? Nah. Let's leave it at 'perhaps'.
>
> Something very similar (minus the dependence on accent)
> happened later in West Germanic before *j and less regularly
> before the liquids *r ans *l:
>
> *si.tjan > *sit.tjan (OSax. sittian) > OE sittan
*seNdjan > *seHtjan > *siHtjan > *sittjan >
(by anlogy with pret.) *sittan
> *sa.ljan (cf. Goth. saljan, ON selja) > *sal.ljan > OE sellan
> (the loss of *j was later than i/j-umlaut in pre-English,
> cf. OSax. sellian)
*saljan > *seljan > *sellan by analogy with pret., cf
Da. sælger /sæl?j&R/, dial. /sæl?l&R/, solgte /såld&/
the /g/ of the pret. and ppp. is purely orthographic, cf.
Sw. säljer, sålde
> *li.Gjan > *lig.gjan > OE licg(e)an
*leghjan > *legjan > *ligjan >
(by analogy with pret.) > *liggan
> *su.njo: > *sun.nju > OE synn
Da. søn, sønner
Sw. son, söner
Da. by analogy with pl., most agree, aided by many ODa. surnames
in unstressed -son > -s&n
> *a.plo:s (nom.pl.) > *ap.plos > OE æpplas, hence nom.sg. æppel
*aNblo:s > *aHplos > *applos > OE æpplas
> etc.
etc.
> Only /r/ (whether original or from WGmc. rhotacism) wasn't geminated,
> and after it the *j remained, cf.
>
> *nazjan > *narjan > OE nerian
OK
> As for progressive assimilation swallowing up an *n, the same happened
> in *-rn- and *-ln- groups (the latter already in Common Germanic about
> the same time as Kluge's Law):
>
> *ster-n-o:n (twice extended with a nasal suffix) > *sterro:n > OE
> steorre (but Goth. staírno:)
>
> *fulna- > *fulla- > OE full
>
OK
Further, you'll have deal with examples like this
(KUIPER, F. 1995. Gothic bagms and Old Icelandic ylgr.
NOWELE 25: 72-76.)
"
Proto-Germanic *du:B- :
Old Icelandic du:fa 'to immerse'
Proto-Germanic *duff- :
Faeroese duffa 'to bob up and down (of a ship)'
Proto-Germanic *dubb-:
Norwegian dubba 'to stoop',
Middle Dutch dubben 'to immerse'
Proto-Germanic *dup:
Dutch duypen 'to hang one's head',
Proto-Germanic *dupp-:
German düppen,
Norwegian duppa 'to dive'
Proto-Germanic *dump-:
Norwegian, English, Danish dump 'hole, pit, pond',
East Frisian dumpen 'dive'
Cognates: Lithuanian dubùs 'deep', dum~blas 'mud in water, marsh';
Old Irish domain,
Welsh dwfn 'deep' < *dubni- and others.
"
and then there's Russian dno, Latin fundus "bottom", which cause
even more problems.
BTW one of the roots that caused Jens trouble to fit into
the otherwise successfull scheme 'Winter occurs only in the
syllable before the stress' is Russian vodá "water", which
has no corresponding *vo:d- (-> *vad-?).
But is has a Baltic vand-
So does Danish by the way: vand "water", Swedish vatten;
supposedly from -Dn -> -nD -> -nj -> -n. But what if
*vaNd- -> vand- ?
Torsten