Re: [tied] Some lengthened vowel Slavic verbs

On Sub, lipanj 24, 2006 12:20 pm, Miguel Carrasquer reče:

> On Sat, 24 Jun 2006 11:08:31 +0200 (CEST), Mate Kapović
> <mkapovic@...> wrote:

>>Acute long *a:, *e: and *o: were of course present in Balto-Slavic
>>(< PIE *eh2, *eh1, *oH).
>>In the case of examples like skoc^iti - skakati we are apparently dealing
>>with old long *o: here. But according to you, PIE *o: should yield the
>>acute, right? >Why the difference between sy´´pati and skaka´´ti then?
>
> No I don't think we're dealing with old long *o: here. I
> think we're dealing with new (Balto-)Slavic */aa/, etc.:
> expressive reduplication of the root syllable to denote the
> iterative aspect.

Thus, BSl *a > *a:. I fail to see the reason for this new *a: to be
circumflexed.

> The chronology I sketched in my original mesage was:
>
> 1) Inherited PIE long grade in certain R(o:)-[e]ye
> causative-ieratives (Slavic i/i-verbs). Yields Slavic acute
> (unless of course occurring in a diphthong). This is a PIE
> phenomenon with PIE prosody [ga"ziti ~ davi"ti].

Completely ad hoc. Besides, ga´´ziti is from PIE *g(W)eh2g'H- (Lith.
góz^ti, Latv. ga^zt, Vedic gá:hate).

> 2) Old (Balto?-)Slavic expressive lengthening in newer
> iteratives (Slavic je/a-verbs). Yields Slavic circumflex if
> the root vowel was *a or *e (*aa > a~, *ee > e~), but acute
> if the vowel was *i or *u (ii > i:, uu > u:). This is a
> (Balto-)Slavic phenomenon with still PIE prosody [sy"pati ~
> skaka"ti].

As I said, I don't understand why *a: is supposed to have a circumflex...

> 3) New Slavic expressive lengthening in newest iteratives
> (Slavic aje/a-verbs). Yields Slavic circumflex (ii > i~, uu
>> u~). This is a Slavic phenomenon with Slavic prosody
> [-bira"ti, -zyva"ti].

Note that Croatian has bírati only in the unprefixed verbs, with a prefix
there's the acute: u`birati, sa`birati...

Mate