Re: PIE Word Formation (3)

--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Piotr Gasiorowski <gpiotr@...>
wrote:

>
> Accent movement
>
> In the first approximation, the main principle of PIE accent

movement is

> quite simple: if a suffix or an inflectional ending containing a

full

> vowel is added to a base, it attracts the accent and the vocalism

of the

> base is reduced. Thus, for example, the root *kWer- 'make'

extended with

> the present participle suffix *-ént- becomes *kWrént- 'making',

and the

> gen.sg. of this, with the ending *-ós, is *kWrn.tós. In the

simplest

> case, represented by root nouns and stems with an accented suffix,
> declension makes the accent move between adjacent syllables: the

last

> syllable of the stem (in the "strong" cases) and the inflectional

ending

> (in the "weak" cases). This type of accent movement is called
> HYSTEROKINETIC:
>
> nom. *p&2té:r *k^wo:n *dje:u-s
> acc. *p&2tér-m. *k^won-m. *dje:-m (< *djeu-m)
>
> but
>
> gen. *p&2tr-ós *k^un-ós *diw-ós
> dat. *p&2tr-éi *k^un-éi *diw-éi
>
> Things are slightly more complex if the stem has the structure (a)
> *CéC-C- or (b) *CéCC-C, *CéC-CC-. Here the accent may move between

the

> root vowel and the inflectional ending (the AMPHIKINETIC type),
> especially in the stuctural type (a):
>
> *pék^-u 'livestock', gen. *p&k^-w-ós (*& stands for a reduced

vowel)

> *krét-u-s 'strength', gen. *kr.t-w-ós
> *d(H)ég^H-o:m 'earth', gen. dg^H-m-ós
>
> (NOTE: In the subtype represented by *d(H)ég^Ho:m the *o of the

second

> syllable comes from a pre-PIE weak vowel which was retained and
> lengthened in the nom.sg. of animate nouns and in collectives. The
> endings that caused the lengthening were lost in some

environments.)

>
> It seems that in the more complex type (b) the expected weak cases

such

> as the genitive *C(&)CCC-ós received an epenthetic full vowel to

break

> up an overlong stem-final sequence of consonants. The result was
> *C(&)CCVC-ós, and the V (usually = *e, though some branches have

*o if

> the stem-final consonant is *w) drew the accent from the ending,
> yielding *C(&)CCéC-s in the so-called PROTEROKINETIC type:
>
> *pért-u-s 'ford', gen. *pr.t-óu-s ~ -éu-s
> *gWHér-mn. 'heat, gen. *gWHr.-mén-s
> *páh2-wr. 'fire', gen. *ph2-wén-s
> *h1éi-tr. 'route', gen. *h1i-tén-s
>
> The original dependence of amphikinetic and proterokinetic accent
> movements on the structure of the stem was formulated by Oswald
> Szemerényi. It must be noted, however, that their actually

observed

> distribution is far from neat, since analogical cross-influence

led to a

> partial confusion between the two types already in PIE. In many

cases

> proterokinetic nouns developed amphikinetic forms such as *gWHr.-

mn-ós

> beside *gWHr.-mén-s. There was also a strong tendency

to "immobilise"

> the accent in some common types of nouns, in particular thematic

stems

> like *wl.'kWo-, in which the same syllable is accented throughout

the

> paradigm, or the neuter *-es- stems like *k^léw-os, gen. *k^léw-es-

os

> (with some archaic forms demonstrating that the accent was once

mobile).

>
> The vocalism of originally mobile types was also levelled out,
> especially in old proterokinetic nouns with their complex pattern

of

> vowel alternations (the accent moving between two vowel slots in

the

> same stem). From *pér-tu-s/*pr.t-éu-s we get a regularised

paradigm:

> nom.sg. *pr.-tú-s, gen.sg. *pr.-téu-s; similarly, from
> *mén-ti-s/*mn.-téi-s 'mind, thought' we get *mn.-tí-s/*mn.-téi-s,

with

> the accent immobilised and vowel alternations restricted to the

suffixal

> syllable.
>
> The _old_ static type (as opposed to later types with secondarily
> immobilised accentuation) will be treated separately in the next

part of

> my presentation.
>
> Piotr
>

Once again, Piotr, what you present is 'quite clear', however 'once
again' I cannot see how o-grades 'appears & fits' in this model...

Is not 'by chance' (isn't it? ) that you have ignored above the o-
grade examples: or o of the o-grade is a 'reduced (non accented)
vowel' that appears in place of e?

Marius