On Tue, 23 Aug 2005 10:30:31 +0200, Piotr Gasiorowski
<
gpiotr@...> wrote:
>Miguel Carrasquer wrote:
>
>> For me, the dual in -o: is clearly *-oh3. The *h3 has a rounding
>> efect on the locative suffix *-i in *-oi(H)-h3-i > *-ojju(m) (> Grk.
>> -oiiun), and the Sanskrit alternation -a: ~ -a:u is also best
>> explained by a rounded laryngeal.
>
>We've been through this before. The contracted perfects with -a:u <
>*-a:(H)-a < *-oH-e show the same development.
It's not the same, unless you think the dual ending is -He.
The thematic dual is either -o-H or -o-e.
>For me, this amounts to a
>demonstration of the "intrusive" character of the -u/v.
I just don't believe a development -oHe > -o:(u) is
phonetically plausible within the context of PIE. oHe or oe
(it doesn't matter, same result) give PIE õ, as in Dsg. -õi,
Npl. -õs, etc.
That leaves of course the question of where the -a:u in the
perfect forms comes from.
To come back to the point we were discussing earlier, the
first person ending -o:, which phonetically can only come
from *-oh3 (because of the Balto-Slavic acute), perhaps the
answer is something along the following lines:
In a cluster C+CW (consonant plus labialized consonant), the
labialization of the second consonant is given up, cf.
Armenian N.pl. *-esW, *-o:sW > -k` but A.pl. *-o:ns > -s.
That would explain PIE *h2 for expected *h3 (< *-ku) in the
1sg. perfect. After a vowel (in thematic verbs), the ending
is maintained as *h3, so we have thematic 1s. subjunctive
and present *-o-h3(u) > Toch. -eu, elsewhere -o:. There are
no thematic perfects: the perfect stem always ends in a
consonant. But perfects with roots ending in a laryngeal
may have assimilated it to the laryngeal of the ending *-h3-
(still labialized /xW/), so we get 1sg. *dhe(x)-xWe,
*ste(x)-xWe, *de(x)-xWe. But I still don't understand why
the final vowel dropped out.
=======================
Miguel Carrasquer Vidal
mcv@...