Locative speculations

> Now, if the verbal noun involved is an agent noun rather than an
> action noun, the marker *-i of the primary endings cannot well be

a

> locative: A killer who is active now is not "in a killer", he just

is

> a killer, and he is it 'now' or 'here'. There is no basic

grammatical

> difference in IE between place and time: Ved. dyávi 'in the sky',
> dyávi-dyavi 'in each day, day by day'.

Nice. That *d-y-w- means both 'sky' and 'day' does not imply that -i
is both a nominal and a verbal suffix. You can't derive a syntactic
property from a semantic one.

>The form *-i is in my analysis
> simply the stem of the pronoun whose stem is either *e-/*o- or

*H1e-

> /**H1o-. The enclitic form of this would be *i or *H1i, cf

enclitic

> *im 'him', *id 'it' in a number of languages. Thus the *-i (or *-

H1i)

> may be itself just an endingless locative meaning 'in it, there'.
>

PIE *en, Akkadian ina "in", and, if my memory serves, you mention in
one of your article on Eskimo nominal morphology a noun 'inV-' (?)
which means something like "room, space, inside" which is used as a
stem extension in some oblique cases?


Torsten