On 04-10-04 23:47,
enlil@... wrote:
> LOC *-i unmarked / *-dHi
As locatives typically count as adverbs, and may become fully
lexicalised as such (cf. *h2ant-i 'in front' or *per-ut(-i) 'last
year'), I wonder if the *dHi element isn't itself a fossilised locative
(of the root noun corresponding to *dHeh1- 'put, place').
Another interesting thing about adverbialised locatives is that they can
form their own derivatives. In thematic "adjectives of appurtenance"
derived from locatives in *-i, an intrusive [n] may fill in the expected
hiatus (not only in Greek, where the "nu ephelkustikon" is a normal
sandhi phenomenon after the endings <-si>, <-pHi> and after words like
<perusi>).
One example (from an article by Jens) is *g^Heimer-i[n]-o- from
*g^Heimen(-i) with nasal dissimilation (Gk. kHeimerinos, Lat.
hi:bernus), but also e.g. Gk. nukterinos (cf. nukto:r 'by night') = Lat
nocturnus, Gk. perusinos < *per-ut-i[n]-o-, and, as I have suggested
before, *dek^si[n]o- 'righ(-hand)' (in Indo-Iranian and Balto-Slavic),
which can be derived from *dek^si 'on the right side', connectible with
*dek^-es- 'virtue, the RIGHT thing to do'. Is it merely a phonetic
process, or, as in the case of "intrusive [r]" in non-rhotic English, a
lingering trace of an otherwise lost segment? In other words, does the
locative *-i derive from older *iN?
Piotr