Re: [tied] *g'(h)- > d as aberrant outcome

Piotr Gasiorowski wrote:

> The _oldest_ Slavic loans show s --> sh, which allows us to date the
> change _later_ than AD 600.

It is pretty hard some exactness here but it is assumed that between
700-1000 AC; a chronological fix-point should be the name of the city
"Ragusa" which could not be take by Slavs until 614 AC; For "Ragusa"
there is Alb. "Rush"
All other words which do not shows an "sh" anymore in Albanian should
be loaned after 1000 from Slavic. As in Rom., the majority of the
loans are coming from the Bulgarian-Macedonian Slavic dialects. Some
examples given by Jokl:

Alb. "grusht" (Faust) < OCS "grUstI"
"kosherë"(Sense) < CS "kosorI"
"gushë" (Gans) < serbocroat. "gusa"

>
> But Albanian <gj> has several sources. It can derive from *s in a
> stressed syllable, from *j (as in the this case), from *g

palatalised

> before a fron vowel, _or_ from *gl. In the word we're discussing it
> never passed through the stage *gl.
>
> Piotr

And this is one of more complicated issue, this Alb. "gj" which asks
"guess_what_I_was_before", s, g^, j, gl etc:-))))


Alex