[tied] Re: Satem and desatemisation (was: Albanian (1))

--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Piotr Gasiorowski
<piotr.gasiorowski@...> wrote:

> 27-01-04 02:20, elmeras2000 wrote:
>
> > I found the evidence frustratingly ambiguous when I last looked

into

> > it.
> >
> > qeth 'cut (hair)' cannot be proved to have lost an /r/ and

reflect

> > *kert-V-.
>
> I agree (pace Hamp). As Alb. <-th> may represent generalised

devoiced

> *-D < *d, why not propose *kaid- (cf. Lat. caedo:) here? Another
> (perhaps more straightforward) possibility is *kaik^-, as in Skt.

kes'a-

> 'hair of the head'. In neither case, of course, can <qeth> be used

as

> evidence for the behaviour of *k before front vowels.
>
> > gjen 'find' does not have to reflect *ghend- (Gk. khandáno:, Lat.
> > prae-hendo:), but could also de *ghond-eye- with umlaut. It could
> > even be connected with Skt. sanóti.
>
> I doubt the latter, but the causative derivation looks very

plausible to

> me, and so <gjen> is also ruled out as evidence.
>
> > kohë 'time' is certainly from *ke:sa: (or *ke:sk^a:), but did the
> > root still have a front vowel when palatalizations would have
> > worked?
>
> <korr> 'reap, harvest' looks like a derivative of *(s)ker- 'cut',

though

> I don't know how to explain the lengthened vowel.
>
> > To assess this the word zorrë 'intestine' is of relevance. But

can

> > that really be sensibly derived from *gWe:rna: ? What word-

formation

> > from *gWerH3- 'devour, swallow' could mean 'intestine'? What
> > parallel examples are there?
>
> The semantic question aside, how about the possibility that pre-

Albanian

> had compensatory lengthening in *eRh > *e:r? The idea has just

occurred

> to me and requires some testing, but the same solution might work

for

> <sorrë> (see below) and perhaps for <korr>.
>
> > However, I do think the matter is decided by sorrë 'blackbird'

which

> > must be connected with Skt. kr.s.n.a- 'black', thus reflecting
> > *kWe:rsna:. The Slavic forms (Russ. soróka, SCr. svraka) must be
> > loanwords then.
>
> Given the exact correspondence between Slavic *s(v)orka and Lith.

s^árka

> (same accent, too) the 'magpie' word just has to be Proto-Balto-

Slavic.

> The crow species found in East/Central Europe and the Balkans is

the

> hooded crow (_Corvus cornix_), which is light ash-grey with black

wings,

> tail, head and bib (the same parts which are black in a magpie),

rather

> than uniformly black. I think a connection between "Balkan" *c^o:r

(r)a

> (underlying <sorrë> and <cioarã>) and BSl. c'(w)ár-ka: (as if from
> *k^worh-) is therefore quite plausible (cf. also Skt.

s'a:rika: 'myna').

> If the idea suggested above (compensatory lengthening in *-erh-)

makes

> any sense, one might suggest *k^werh-nah2 or *k^werh-snah2 >

*k'we:rna:

> > sorrë.
>
> You have overlooked <dergjem> 'lie down suffering' < *sworgH-eje-,

which

> shows unpalatalised *gH as opposed to Alb. (n-)dez < *dHogWH-eje-.

This

> one is _not_ ambiguous.
>
> Piotr

************
Sorry, Piotr, but Alb. verb <dergjem> 'to languish, to flag' is
denominal of Alb. <dergjë> 'disease, sickness', probably derived from
<dargjë>, so <dergjë> is pluralised singular (cf. OIr <serg> 'sick,
illness'). Such examples we have as in <flakë> 'flame', but denominal
<flakem> 'to be thrown like flame', plak <old man>, but plakem 'to
get old'.

Konushevci