Re: [tied] Eagle and salt

If the Slavic 'eagle' word is to be analysed as an *-ln- stem, it should perhaps be derived from *h2arl.n-o- > *arilna- > *orIlU; then at least the right vocalism falls out naturally, and the loss of *n has to be explained somehow in either case.

I also wonder if the 'salt' word could not belong here; cf. Gk. halios (like *ha:welios) < *sallijos < *s(h2)alnijos (?), Slavic *solnU 'tasting of salt'. Perhaps neuter *saln > *sald (rather than **salr., because of liquid dissimilation), whose generalisation might explain why there's no **sann- in Germanic.

Jus' speculatin'. Take it with a grain of sal.

Piotr

----- Original Message -----
From: Miguel Carrasquer
To: cybalist@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Wednesday, November 27, 2002 10:09 PM
Subject: Re: [tied] Re: IE and their dogs : long-haired sheepdogs

The latter. Or, to put it more carefully, we see "pre zero grade"
dialectal variation in this particular word, with Slavic opting for
*ln in <slUnIce> < *sh2uln-ik-om, Germanic and Avestan having *n(n) in
the oblique, and everywhere else only *l(l), presumably analogical
after the NA sg. (Skt. suàr, sú:ras and sú:rya- (yo-stem), Grk.
*ha:welios (yo-stem), Lat. so:l, so:lis, We. haul, OIr. su:il "eye"
(*suh2li-), Alb. diell "star" (< *s(h2)uel-), Goth. sauil, ON so:l
[besides n-stem Goth. sunno:, OHG sunno, OE sunna from the oblique],
Lith. sáule: (ya:/ye:-stem), Hitt. {d}UTU-liya (yo-stem).

To know whether this holds true in other words, and what the other
groups make of *ln medially, we need more evidence, and so far the
only other *ln-stem I've been able to find is the "eagle" word. The
circumstances are different in that word, because it contains a medial
*r, because it's not neuter but masculine, and it has a static
declension. I reconstruct:

N **xá:r-aln-z
A **xá:r-aln-m
G **xa:r-áln-as,

which should have given in the **-ln- > *-n(n) dialects:

N *h2óroN
A *h2órNm.
G *h2árN(o)s

This is consistent with what we find in Germanic (ON ari ~ o,rn, OE
earn, OHG aro ~ aru, Goth ara, from nom. *aran, ON from acc. *arnum),
Hittite ha:ras, haranas (< *h2órons, *h2árnos) and Greek orni(:)s G.
orni:thos/orni:khos [what's that suffix?], órneon (from acc. *orn-).

Slavic shows no *ln this time, but *l(l), as if from a paradigm:

N *h2óroL
A *h2órLm.
G *h2árL(o)s

This explains OPr. arelie (= arelis?), Lith. ere~lis (dial. are~lis),
Latv. è:rglis (< è:rdlis) [is that dl < ll?] and OCS orIlU. The *r in
the root is probably responsible for such forms as OIr. irar, ilar,
We. eryr, Bret. erer (*erur-) and Armenian urur, oror, which then also
would go back to the paradigm with *L.

We have no Indo-Iranian, Latin, Tocharian or Albanian attestations.