From: Sergejus Tarasovas
Message: 9079
Date: 2001-09-06
>branch
> I suggest that *dus-dju- may be a loan from Indo-Iranian -- a
> in which such a compound exists (plus a number of similarformations,
> e.g. Rigvedic su-div-, su-dyu-t-). The fact that neither *dus- norWhat I was arguing against is the statement that *dUz?jI etymologized
> *diw-/*dju- are independently attested in Slavic is therefore no
> obstacle. They are found in the hypothetical source of the loan.
>TheMy example was just a typological one, Russian being chosen just
> inherited Indo-European word for `rain' was lost in Slavic anyway,
> perhaps replaced by a borrowed euphemism. By the time Russian folk
> rhymes were composed, nobody was aware of the etymology of *dUzdjI,
> so the rhymer you quote promises to feed the rain as an elemental
> force, not a bad day.
> As for the evidence of a *-u-stem, I can quote Russ. doz^devoj andPolish is out of my competence here, but in Russian -ov-/-ev- suffix
> archaic Polish dz*dz*ewy/dz*dz*owy `rainy' < *dUzdjevU- (hence
> dz*dz*ownica `earthworm').
>